Culture and conservation: a One Health approach to Indigenous and ancestral herptile knowledge

Amphibians and reptiles are deeply embedded in the cultural, ecological, and spiritual traditions of Indigenous communities across the globe, and are also represented in ancestral and contemporary cultures. This article explores how the One Health framework can be enriched by Indigenous and ancestral knowledge of herptiles as cultural symbols, sentinels, and keystone species, emphasizing both local stewardship and global conservation needs. Using a combination of literature review, conversational interviews, and autoethnographies from Indigenous knowledge custodians in Africa, Asia, Europe, North America, and South America, we document the diverse relationships between people and herpetofauna. Results demonstrate that herptiles are honored in Indigenous and ancestral cultures as clan totems, harbingers of rain and renewal, and guardians of fertility and procreation. They are also respected as symbols of impending misfortune. Their presence as sensitive indicators of environmental health and ecosystem change highlights both their ecological and spiritual significance. Bridging contemporary, ancestral, and Indigenous worldviews using a One Health approach is crucial for effective, equitable herptile conservation. By centering Indigenous perspectives and ancestral knowledge, this paper proposes a holistic One Health paradigm to advance biodiversity conservation, sustain cultural heritage, and create pathways toward more resilient and balanced ecosystems.

One Health is an integrated, unifying approach that aims to sustainably balance and optimize the health of people, animals, and ecosystems (One Health High-Level Expert Panel (OHHLEP) et al., 2022). This approach aims to marshal stakeholders across multiple disciplines and communities to tackle complex or ‘wicked’ problems (i.e., those that cannot be easily solved and require a wide array of skillsets and partnerships to address). The wicked problems we are facing include a multitude of issues such as loss of biodiversity and cultural diversity, climate change, food insecurity, environmental contaminants, emerging infectious diseases, impacts on mental health and spiritual health, and others. Although the One Health approach is multifaceted and attempts to transcend research disciplines, application of this concept has shortcomings including (1) Overlooking reptiles and amphibians, despite their integral roles in ecosystems and relevance to the health of humans, animals, and environments (de Oliveira Roque et al., 2025; Doyle et al., 2025; Rose et al., 2025). (2) Viewing One Health as a concept that is exclusively linked to Western, “systems-science” knowledge schemes (Burger, 2024). The first is likely to be due to several reasons: insufficient attention on how humans recognize the importance of herpetofauna within ecosystems; herpetofauna being seldom regarded as charismatic focal species, leading to their frequent underrepresentation in One Health research; and/or paucity of research highlighting the One Health implications of both human-herptile and herptile-ecosystem interactions. The second shortcoming, viewing One Health solely as a Western/scientific knowledge concept, is a consequence of the lack of acknowledgement that Indigenous and ancestral cultures have maintained a connection with the natural world in a “One Health” context for centuries. This lack of acknowledgement is not surprising given the lack of ethnoherpetological studies and the tendency for institutional knowledge systems to incline toward universalism. To improve our understanding of the intricate and long-standing connection between Indigenous Peoples, ancestral cultures, and herptiles, further research quantifying both negative and positive impacts of their inclusion in cultural practices is necessary (Phaka et al., 2023). This link between deficient acknowledgement of Indigenous worldviews and the underrepresentation of herptile and ecosystem health in One Health works demonstrates a need to rebalance the health pillars (human, animal, plant, and ecosystem health) within the One Health framework by incorporating, more intentionally, both underrepresented species and underrepresented Ways of Knowing.

In many Indigenous and ancestral cultures, herptiles are venerated as harbingers of rain, markers of seasonal cycles, and symbols of fertility and renewal–roles central to ecological balance, agricultural success, and cultural sustainability (Riley et al., 2021; Phaka et al., 2023). Ecologically, herptiles function as sentinels, offering early warnings of ecosystem health and land use changes and as keystone species and ecosystem engineers that significantly impact and shape their habitats. Their roles as sources of food, traditional medicine, leather, and ornamental products are also culturally significant across the globe. These roles highlight their integration within ecosystem function and human livelihoods, reinforcing the importance of their conservation. By elevating herptiles beyond their overlooked status, emphasizing cultural significance alongside ecological importance, and integrating diverse knowledge systems, this work advocates for a more holistic, equitable One Health paradigm. This paradigm not only advances biodiversity conservation but also nurtures Indigenous rights and ancestral cultural heritage, ultimately fostering resilient and sustainable ecosystems shared by all. Additionally, this paper highlights how Indigenous cultural perception of herptiles shapes locally grounded priorities for habitat protection and the management of culturally important species and informs conservation strategies.

The research conducted was a collaboration between researchers and Indigenous knowledge custodians (some of the custodians are also researchers) from five continents (Africa, Asia, Europe, North America, and South America). Data for this study was collected through literature reviews, conversational interviews, and autoethnographies (i.e., personal narratives) (Table 1) to extract details that are relevant to herptiles as symbols, sentinels, and keystone species, and how cultural roles inform conservation.

Reviews of literature were conducted in 19 languages (Dutch, English, Indonesian, Irish Gaelic, IsiNdebele, IsiXhosa, IsiZulu, Javanese, Lithuanian, Northern Sotho, Portuguese, Spanish, Serbo-Croatian, SeSotho, SeTswana, SiSwati, Slovenian, TshiVenḓa, XiTsonga) and focused on instances of amphibians and reptiles in books, theses/dissertations, and scientific articles that discussed Indigenous cultural practices using the following keywords: Amphibian* + Culture, Frog* + Culture, Reptile* + Culture, Lizard* + Culture, Snake* + Culture, Chameleon* + Culture, Gecko* + Culture, Turtle* + Culture, Tortoise + Culture, Tortoise + Culture. The asterisk (*) Boolean operator is used to accommodate plural variations to herpetofaunal group names. Returned results were pre-screened by reading their titles, abstracts, and keywords and excluding literature lacking details of cultural practices involving herptiles. Subsequently, full text screening was used to review suitable literature for details of herptile use in Indigenous cultural practices. Through snow-ball sampling the reference lists of suitable literature were used to identify other literature that could be reviewed for this study sample.

Conversational interviews with traditional health practitioners (14 adult male participants) and Indigenous hunters (5 adult male participants) were carried out in South Africa between November 2024 and March 2025. The conversational interview approach used was a flexible form of continuous participant observation through relaxed conversation while noting elements that were relevant to the study’s objectives (Bongela, 2001; Gall et al., 2007; Mockovak, 2016).

Autoethnographies by Indigenous knowledge custodians from Brazil (Xingu peoples of Trumai and Kaiabi/Kawaiwete ethnicities from the Xingu Indigenous Territory (TIX) between the Cerrado and the Amazon, who are part of the Educação Intercultural Indígena program at the Faculdade de Letras of the Universidade Federal de Goiás, are also included. Similarly, Indigenous individuals from Indonesia and South Africa (BaPedi peoples) provided data on herptile uses in their own cultural practices. Using autoethnography as a research method allows researchers to draw from their own knowledge when studying a particular phenomenon or culture (Méndez-López, 2013). Details on Indigenous communities highlighted throughout this text are included in Table 2, and a map of their general geographic locations and estimated populations are displayed in Figure 1.

The authors recognize that including European ethnographic groups in this analysis is challenging. While still presenting a rich variety of cultures and different peoples across many regions, centuries of political consolidation (under numerous historical empires), religious shifts (e.g., from nature-based traditions to Abrahamic faiths), and cultural assimilation have largely extirpated or obscured many pre-Christian, place-based traditions of Europe’s ancient peoples (Wells, 2001). We distinguish contemporaneous knowledge from living groups worldwide from ancestral knowledge of Europe’s past cultures, accessed through archaeology, oral traditions, and linguistic analyses. To illuminate herptile roles, and potential conservation lessons, we draw on motifs from ancestral perspectives that continue to inform the cultural diversity still present throughout Europe.

The collected data were organized into themes that emerged naturally as the information was combined from the various geographic regions. We have attempted to bring together both insider and outsider perspectives by weaving local Indigenous stories alongside researcher-generated syntheses of written records and scientific literature. The Indigenous narratives ground the work in place-based relationships and lived experience, while the literature reviews provide a complementary, external vantage point. We acknowledge that, given the breadth of information addressed and geographical regions covered, that many standpoints and voices remain beyond the scope of what can be fully represented here.

The following section themes emerged repeatedly across diverse geographic regions and cultures in the literature and were selected to reflect common, cross-cutting patterns in human–herptile relationships. They are organized into two overarching domains: herptiles as symbols (clan totems; rain, renewal, and rebirth symbols; fertility and procreation symbols; bad omens and misfortune symbols; etymological symbolism) and herptiles as sentinels and keystone species (extensions of wetlands; indicators of land-use disruptions; ecosystem engineers; agricultural and ecological protectors; fundamental to ecotourism). Together, these domains move from cultural and linguistic meanings to ecological functions and services, illustrating how knowledge, language, and lived experiences shape societal responses to reptiles and amphibians.

Herptiles as symbols

Clan totems

Africa

Clan totems involving herpetofauna represent a deeply rooted cultural phenomenon among Indigenous communities, where specific frogs, reptiles, and other amphibians are not only valued for their symbolic meanings but also integrated into social and spiritual identity systems. Frogs and reptiles have symbolic and practical value for AmaNdebele, AmaXhosa, AmaZulu, BaPedi, BaSotho, BaTswana, KhoiSan, MaSwati, VaTsonga, and VhaVhenda people of present-day South Africa, and the intricate connection between Indigenous cultures and herptiles manifests through various herptile-based cultural practices and norms (Phaka et al., 2023).

From autoethnography, we found that totemism among Indigenous cultures of the southern region of Africa assigns kinship to herptiles, and members of relevant clans are culturally obliged to protect herptiles that are considered members of their clan. Totem herptile species in this part of the African continent include Mole Snake (Pseudaspis cana) for Majola clans of the AmaXhosa (Bongela, 2001), Tortoise (Testudinid) for BaPedi (Maahlamela, 2017), and Nile Crocodile (Crocodylus niloticus) for AmaZulu (Phaka et al., 2023), BaPedi (Koma, 2012), BaSotho (Tšiu, 2006), and VaTsonga (Malungana, 1994). Members of the Majola clan call each other by the Indigenous language name of their totem Mole Snake as a term of respect and endearment while the clan name itself bears the name of the snake (i.e., Majola is the IsiXhosa language name for Mole Snake). Similarly, BaPedi clans with a Nile Crocodile totem refer to each other using Indigenous names of their totem as terms of endearment and admiration. In some instances, the totem’s Indigenous names serve as a clan’s name, a clan member’s surname, and terms of endearment and respect among fellow clan members. Children from clans grow up associating the names of those herpetofaunal totems to their kin. Herptiles feature African Indigenous people’s poetry, figures of speech, and taxonomy (Blacking, 1961; Mathumba, 1988; Koma, 2012; Thwala, 2017; Phaka et al., 2019), and, because of their importance to Indigenous People’s value-practice systems, there is often an obligation to protect these totem herptiles.

Asia-Indonesia

Surabaya, the capital city of East Java province in Indonesia, originates from one of many popular legends in Indonesia about a massive fight among the strongest ocean sovereign– Sura, the Shark and the ruler of the river– Baya, the crocodile. The fight occurs as Sura trespasses Baya ’s territory to hunt more prey. The two animals fight for days to conquer each of their territories. Although there is no clear ending to who is winning the fight, some postulate the Sura and Baya narrative shapes Surabaya residents’ cultural identity by symbolizing bravery, resilience, and territorial pride, fostering a sense of unity and historical continuity amid urban challenges (Kompasiana.com, 2015).

North America

Among the Hopi, a Native American Tribe of present-day Northeastern Arizona, certain reptiles and amphibians hold clan and spiritual significance. For example, the snake is a powerful clan symbol associated with fertility, renewal, and the continuity of life. The Hopi Snake Dance is a traditional, biennial, 16-day ceremony performed to invoke the coming of rain and ensure the fertility of the land (Figure 2). It involves handling and dancing with live snakes, often rattlesnakes (Crotalus spp.), in a ritual that demonstrates reverence and respect for these animals (Curtis, 1930). Snakes are seen as messengers between the Hopi people and the spirit world, particularly the rain spirits, and this deeply sacred ceremony involves careful attention to ethical treatment and the spiritual connection between humans and snakes (Scott, 1950).

South America

From author Jywateju Kayabi for the Kaiabi/Kawaiwete People of the village/local of CTL (Coordenadoria Técnica Local)-Diauarum (basehub) Território do Xingu-MT (Mato Grosso): Toad body painting is used during festivals, rituals, and political mobilizations. People from my community use the kururu’i (little frog) symbol (Figure 3A) with jenipapo, a blue-black dye, or ururuku (annatto), a reddish dye, where some species of toads are used in tattoos. They are called tymâju’i (when on the leg) or towaju’i (when on the face). The leg can be tattooed with other de rã (frog) designs, which, according to the narrative of the Kawaiwete people, were passed down to us by our ancestors and symbolize the enemy.

The origin of frogs and toads is told in the story that says a giant spirit warred with the Kawaiwete and, when two warriors returned to their village playing flutes, an elder asked them to stop playing because the mait (spiritual personas of heaven) were singing the yafu (music played on an instrument made of a gourd and seeds; also the name of the instrument). With this elder’s request, the warriors felt offended. The story says that the elder then went with the warriors to the sky, and on the way, the warriors threw the elder back to the earth, where she then transformed into a toad and a frog. In the past, frogs and toads communicated or even spoke normally with humans, but nowadays people no longer understand the language of animals. Another importance frogs have in our community is their use as tools or in traditional crafts. For example, turtle shells are used as utensils, such as the disc in the spindle for spinning cotton thread for handicrafts (Figure 3B), and smaller shells are used to make children’s rattles as toys.

From author Iauapuru Trumai for the Trumai People of the Aldeia Leonardo (Village of Leonardo) and Alto Xingu (Upper Xingu): It is said that the tears of the sucuri (anaconda) transformed into dark marks around its eyes, and these markings inspire body paint used in the community, which hold great cultural meaning. Today, this paint is worn on the faces (Figure 4A) and bodies (Figure 4B) of young men, representing the strength and spirit of the anaconda. The sucuri is considered sacred by the Trumai People because it grants great strength and agility to young people during their seclusion (seclusion is a period or rite of passage from childhood to puberty). For girls, it is marked by their first menstruation, and for young males, the seclusion begins at other signs of puberty−voice changes and the initiation of facial hair. Among the Xingu Peoples, it is common for young people to remain isolated for months or even years during this time, receiving only care, teachings, and guidance from their families so they can become good adults. For this reason, wearing sucuri symbols is important. The anaconda is also an important symbol because it is central in one of our traditional stories (Box 1).

From Iauapuru Trumai (Ethnicity: Trumai; Aldeia Leonardo, Alto Xingu):

The story goes that in the community, there was a family living in a large traditional house that housed the entire family, including the newlyweds. One of the young men living in that house had a wife and was a hardworking fisherman. However, every time he went out to fish, his cousin betrayed him with his wife. One day, this young man’s cousin could no longer bear to see the situation where every time her cousin left for work, his wife cheated on him. That day, she decided to tell her cousin everything she knew about the betrayal. She then said to her cousin:

• “Look, my cousin, every time you go out to fish, your wife is with your cousin, and every time she goes to the fields, they also meet.”

The cousin responded:

• “So that’s why she always says I don’t need to go with her, and that she can manage on her own to carry the basket on her head, and she always says she takes her cousin along to help her.”

The betrayed young man’s cousin replies:

• “Calm down, cousin! It’s not time for you to fight with her now; you need to see first to be sure and right before saying or doing anything.”

So, the young man followed her cousin’s advice and kept watch over his wife until one day, when the wife said she was going to the fields. The husband asked who she was going with, and she replied that she was going with her cousin. At that moment, the husband said that everything was fine. She left for the fields, and the young man’s cousin followed her. They met in the fields and started dating. The husband then followed her and watched the scene from a distance. Soon, he thought, so this is how you two are betraying me; now I need to plan my revenge.

The husband returned home very upset with his wife, and shortly after, she arrived as if everything was fine. The husband greeted her, and she replied that everything was okay and that if it weren’t for her cousin, she would have been lost trying to carry the cassava basket on her head by herself. Shortly after, the young man told his wife that he was going fishing and wouldn’t return until the next day. He asked her not to go to the fields because she needed to wait for him to come back, as the fields were far away and she needed to eat well before going. The wife agreed.

The husband then went out to fish and spent a day and a night away from the village, smoking the fish he had caught with a bow and arrow. He caught two types of fish, one called curimbatá and the other matrinchã. First, he opened the curimbatá fish and placed a small piece of the sucuri (anaconda’s) tail in its belly, and then, in the matrinchã fish, he put the tail of a lizard. Next, he roasted both and set them aside. When he organized all his supplies and the smoked foods, he returned to the village. That past night, his wife had slept with his cousin

When he arrived at the village, the family was already waiting for him, and his wife greeted him as if nothing had happened, and everyone was happy because he had brought a lot of fish. The wife told her husband that she was going to the fields the next day, and the husband said he was tired and couldn’t go with her. However, if someone went with her, she should give one of the fish to whoever accompanied her, and the other fish she should eat herself, as it had been specially prepared for her

The next day, the woman left early for the fields, and the young man with whom she was having an affair accompanied her, as they had already arranged to meet. Upon arriving at the fields, they decided to eat first and then work. The husband followed and hid at the edge of the fields to see what would happen. At that moment, the woman gave the fish that her husband had prepared to her companion and ate what was meant for her.

Immediately after eating the fish, the young man took the little piece of tail that was in his belly and ate it. The husband, who was watching everything from afar, said to himself:

• Yes! Go ahead and eat, let’s see your reaction.

A few minutes later, the young man felt paralyzed and told the woman that something was happening and that he couldn’t move anymore. At that moment, the young man began to transform into a snake; his legs merged, and his arms also fused with his body as the transformation began. The woman, desperate, could do nothing and began to scream for help. The husband came out of hiding and started laughing and saying:

• Há há há há! This is what happens to someone who has no respect.

The wife, desperate, screams:

• Look at your cousin! I don’t know what’s happening to him, and I’m ashamed because I asked him to help me since my cousin was too lazy to come with me today.

The husband replied:

• I know everything that’s going on between the two of you, you don’t need to lie to me anymore! Now he’s seeing what’s happening.

He shouted:

• Everyone! Come see what’s happening to this person who doesn’t know how to respect others! He is transforming into a strange being! A creature!

He continued to shout and mock his cousin, and the people from the village came running to see what was happening. Everyone saw and was shocked. People were calling for the young man’s mother to see what was going on. At that moment, the transformation was already halfway complete. When the mother saw her son, she began to cry upon seeing him transforming into a snake.

When the transformation was complete, the snake began to crawl toward the river, and the mother and the people present followed it to the shore. Before her son, now a giant snake, fell into the river, the mother asked him to stop for a moment and then guided him:

My son, it was your fault that you are in this situation. Now you are no longer a human being, and you cannot take revenge on your descendants. On the contrary, when your descendants find you, they will capture you, and a pure young man in puberty will grab you by the tail and drag you away. At that moment, you will have to surrender and give all your spiritual strength to the young man so that he can transform into a good fighter. He will cut off your tail and carry you until the day he leaves his seclusion. You will also remain in seclusion until your tail heals, and thus, the damage done to you will be repaid. Now you may go.

Upon hearing his mother’s guidance, the son, who had transformed into an anaconda, cried and began to crawl toward the river. The story goes that the tears of the anaconda transformed into its mark around its eyes. Nowadays, we use this body paint on the faces of young men, and that is why the Trumai people have the paint of the anaconda, which only a good fighter can wear on their body (Figures 3, 4).

Rain, renewal, and rebirth

Africa

The connection between herptiles and the coming of rain is one of the most common symbolisms for herptiles in the southern part of the African continent. BaPedi consider Nile Crocodile signs of rain (Lekgothoane and Van Warmelo, 1938), the KhoiSan consider some tortoise species symbols of rain (Lewis-Williams and Pearce, 2004), and the presence of frogs is considered a sign of coming rain for AmaZulu (Phaka et al., 2017), VhaVhenḓa (Mutshinyalo and Siebert, 2010), and the KhoiSan (Bleek, 1933; Potgieter, 1955; Lewis-Williams and Pearce, 2004). Further rain symbolism is evidenced by the sacrificial use of herptiles in rain summoning/control rituals; frogs are sacrificed by BaSotho (Riep, 2011) while Nile Monitor Lizards (Varanus niloticus) and Southern African Python (Python natalensis) are sacrificed by AmaZulu (Krige, 1974).

Narratives told by children’s elders have anthropomorphic frogs and reptiles, and these tales are meant to impart life lessons to the children through storytelling. AmaZulu stories speak of Grass Frogs (Ptychadena spp.) and other frog species as bringers of rain (Basdew et al., 2017; Phaka et al., 2019; Vilakazi et al., 2019). VhaVhenḓa also speak of frogs as harbingers of rain. Bullfrogs (Pyxicephalus spp.) are said to rain from the sky during heavy precipitation events by VaTsonga (Phaka et al., 2023), and AmaZulu tell a similar story of frogs raining from the sky during heavy rains but instead of bullfrogs, it is African Clawed Frogs (Xenopus spp.). The AmaZulu also speak of toads of the Sclerophrys genus attracting lightning (Phaka et al., 2023).

Europe

Amphibians have long been recognized in European traditions, with stylized stick-figure frog images inscribed on pottery dating from prehistoric times (Gimbutas, 2001b). Strongly associated with water, frogs were thought to have an important role in protecting springs and other important water sources (Vince Pallua, 2019). Frogs and toads have also long been associated with fertility and the origin of life, as their emergence coincides with the spring rains, linking them with this life-giving force (Christiansen, 1977; Clarkson and Cross, 1980). The cycle of life is sometimes represented in a motif of a toad with the head of a lily, which is thought to symbolize new life or regeneration. Such figures were carved into wooden tombstones or krikštai found in Lithuania. Unusually, these wooden tombstones were set at the foot of the grave and are thought to represent a pathway between this life and the afterlife (Gimbutas, 2001b; Bračko, 2012). In pre-Christian, Lithuanian cultures, the toad was sacred to the goddess Ragana, the powerful goddess of death and regeneration. Interestingly, an early neolithic statuette dating from 6,000–5,800 BC, with a similar toad and lily motif, was found in Sesklo (modern Greece), suggesting this figure may have had a ritual importance for many thousands of years (Gimbutas, 2001b).

In some European cultures, frogs were associated with ancestral spirits, especially if they were found in the home or under the doorstep (Kulišić, 1970). Toads were also considered to be protectors of homes, and described as “shy, quiet, and good”. As with frogs, toads were sometimes said to be the reincarnation of the souls of the deceased (Bračko, 2012). In Finland, miniature wooden coffins containing frogs were discovered under the floors of churches and in churchyards, as well as buried in fields and under stones, cowsheds, streams, and other water bodies. These burials are thought to have been part of magic rituals and some were a form of healing magic or a form of counter-magic to witchcraft or sorcery (Hukantaival, 2015).

Conversely, frogs and toads were also feared for their springtime mass migrations. Topsell (1658) (transl. 2007) describes how it once “rained frogs in such plentiful measure” in Rome and Greece, “that all the houses and high-waies were filled with them.” Like many other migratory or ‘swarming’ creatures, it was a commonly held belief that frogs and toads were able to reproduce by spontaneous generation with some authors suggesting they were created out of slime and mud (McCartney, 1920). The observation that toads were able to “appear out of the air itself”, led to a view that they were supernatural or unnatural creatures (Ekenvall, 1978). In Ovid’s Metamorphosis (Ovid and Mandelbaum, 1993) (transl. 1993) hibernating toads “seem to rise from the dead,” with the Roman naturalist and author, Pliny stating that “… and strange to say, that after six months of life, they [toads] melt back into the mud, and again in the waters of springtime are reborn what they were before” (Secundus, 1601).

Snakes were also associated with rebirth. Snakes, particularly adders, were very important to the Druids who represented the religious-intellectual class in pre-Christian Celtic Britain. Snakes represented the renewal of mankind, likely because of the apparent rebirth every time they shed their skins (Alonso, 2007). In Northern Europe, representations of snakes or serpents appear from early Neolithic times (4,000–2,500 BC), as well as on multiple examples of Gallo-British sculptures dating from the Roman period (Sheppard, 1962). An early depiction of the ritual importance of the snake in Northern Europe, is on the Gundestrup Cauldron (Figure 5). This 1 st century BC (iron age) silver plate cauldron was discovered in 1891, buried in a peat bog in Central Jutland. Celtic art frequently combined animal parts with other animals or humans, and on this artifact, three ram-horned snakes are depicted, one of which appeared to be leading a Celtic army formed from the reborn dead, as well as an association with a horned god-like figure, possibly as a representation of strength and abundance (Aldhouse-Green, 2015; Cartwright, 2021).

Snakes generally held a positive and sacred role in pre-Christian European cultures, and the Germanic peoples and Slavs from Central Europe often perceived snakes as patrons or protectors of the home and hearth (cooking fire), sometimes embodying the soul of a deceased ancestor, rather than a source of evil or danger. The Lithuanians and Samogitians kept snakes warm in their houses under the stove or in the bathhouse corner, believing the presence of a snake guaranteed good fortune and happiness (Eckert, 1998). These perceptions were altered post-Christendom where biblical serpent imagery (Genesis, later associations with Satan) becomes increasingly influential, and is likely to have contributed to more strongly negative moral readings of snakes (Skinner et al., 2000).

North America

The Hopi people of North America hold frogs sacred as they are intimately connected to rain, water, and life cycles critical to agriculture and survival in the arid region of Southwest US. The Hopi people have long participated in practices that protect wetland and spring habitats, promote water quality, and ensure the flourishing of riparian vegetation. These practices often include spiritual ceremonies and taboos that protect critical habitats from overuse or disturbance ensuring frogs can continue their important ecological and spiritual roles. Watershed stewardship among the Hopi aligns with a worldview of reciprocal relationships between people and land, where sustaining frogs means sustaining the health (physical and spiritual) of the entire ecosystem. This is exemplified in the co-stewardship of lands, for example, the preservation of Kaibab National Forest between Hopi and the US Department of Agriculture (Avitt, 2024). Hopi people and Forest Service personnel work collaboratively to restore and preserve sacred springs around the Grand Canyon (‘ Öngtupqa ’ in Hopi, translating to ‘Salt Canyon’) as a part of a project called “Hopi Waters for Life” (Avitt, 2024). This and similar conservation projects help provide co-educational opportunities between Indigenous communities and government land managers.

The history of the Sinixt Nation highlights the pressures on Indigenous Peoples by settlers in North America. These Peoples were persecuted and declared “extinct” for the purposes of Canada’s Indian Act in 1956 to make way for the damming of the Columbia River (Michel, 2021). Post-World War II bureaucrats aimed to build the dam to control flooding, generate hydroelectric power, and promote economic development in the region. However, Sinixt continue to live autonomously, scattered in both Canada and the US, and have never signed a Treaty in Canada nor ceded their lands. There is a story that reemerged from their people during repatriation about the survival and renewal of their Nation, told by elder Eva Adolph Orr (1910−2006), Smum iem Matriarch, English translation by elder Marylin James.

The story details a time of severe drought many, many years ago when the land was dry and there was not enough moisture for the plants and animals to prosper. Many of the Sinixt nation died or moved away because they thought the land would never recover. In one Sinixt village, the villagers decided to pack their valuables and leave, and an elder in the village made sure they had what they needed for this departure. However, when it came time to leave, the elder indicated that he intended to stay behind and die where his ancestors were buried. He insisted that a group of their people go on, but a small group stayed behind with him. The village elder went off to pray and fasted for many days asking for guidance for his people. While praying, a frog came up and told him, “Go and have your people dig caves into the cliffs on the banks of the river, and your people will survive.” The elder returned to his people and told them this, and his people followed these instructions. When winter came, the people moved into these caves, but their food supplies began to dwindle. When their food ran out, the frogs began to emerge from the riverbed, come up the cliffs and into the caves, and offer themselves as food for the people. One day, a frog came up and said, “Go out onto the land again. There is food for you there now. Eat and survive.” He then told the people, “I am going to show you that some species, some small beings that don’t seem to impact or threaten life in any way, that seem very weak in comparison to many mighty species, have shown you love through their offering.” He said that he would give them a symbol to remember and honor them, and he hopped and grew, and hopped and grew until he became a mountain–frog mountain (Figure 6), a symbol of their peoples’ survival. To this day, the Sinixt nation continues to uphold their traditional laws of whuplak’n and smum iem by working to protect the wetlands and water, cultural sites, and language to pass onto future generations of Sinixt (James and Alexis, 2021; Michel, 2021; Autonomous Sinixt, n.d). This story underpins ongoing protection of amphibian species as well and positions frogs as culturally anchored conservation flagship species in this community.

South America

From author Jywateju Kayabi for the Kaiabi/Kawaiwete People of the village/local of CTL (Coordenadoria Técnica Local)-Diauarum (basehub) Território do Xingu-MT (Mato Grosso): Some reptiles and amphibians are sacred, and for this reason, we respect the animal, such as the toad. When the winter period (rainy season) arrives, and the rain takes time to fall, we kill a toad and leave it in the forest with its belly facing up so that the rain’s owner (spirit) sees it and becomes disturbed; thus, sending the rain to our people. This practice reflects the reciprocal relationship between the Kawaiwete People and nature spirits as well as the toad being viewed as a messenger and intermediary between humans and the rain spirits. Further, our people eat certain frogs and tadpoles during the rainy season, when the river begins to flood the wetlands and the frogs lay their eggs. The elders catch them to eat them roasted or to prepare pirão (a food made like a thick soup). Young people are not allowed to eat them, and according to our traditions, if they do, young women will have difficulty giving birth, and the baby will not sleep at night, crying without rest.

Fertility and procreation

Africa

Amphibians and reptiles hold profound symbolic significance across many African cultures, particularly in associations with fertility and reproduction. African Clawed Frogs (Xenopus spp.) are viewed as symbols of fertility in KhoiSan culture and feature prominently in traditional KhoiSan artwork and rituals, as highlighted by Thorp (2013). In West African Yoruba tradition, deities like Yemoja, patron of water and fertility, are often represented by aquatic animals, including amphibians and reptiles, which embody life, maternal qualities, and nurturing energy (Ogunleye, 2015). Fertility symbolism also extends to reptiles, such as crocodiles, which Ancient Egyptians simultaneously revered as a symbol of fertility, linked with the life-giving properties of the Nile, and feared as a formidable predator (Fahmy and Aboelmagd, 2025).

Europe

Possibly stemming from the Ancient Egyptian mythology of the mother-goddess of birth, death, and resurrection, Heqit (Heqet, Heket, Hekit), who sometimes appears as a frog or in human form with a frog’s head; the frog is considered a form of the great goddess or mother goddess in many different European cultures (Gimbutas, 2001a; Kalnicka, 2006). This deification is reflected in the Polish and Croatian words for frog– boginka and bogińa, literally meaning “goddess”. In this role, the frog is also the protector of mothers, embryos, and newborn infants, and is sometimes depicted as the life-giving uterus with its water-like amniotic fluid (Gimbutas, 2001b; Kalnicka, 2006; Kuğutjak, 2018). In contemporary times, the frog retains a strong feminine symbolism associated with fertility, fecundity, renewal of life, and regeneration (Vince Pallua, 2019). The long-held importance of the frog for fertility is demonstrated by the frog-womb votives (Figure 7) offered by infertile women in central European countries, to encourage procreation and fertility. Similar votives in the shape of a woman-frog or a womb have been offered as a prayer for conception and pregnancy by people in Croatia, where wax frog votives are still being sold and brought to churches to encourage good health for the whole family (Vince Pallua, 2019).

In Europe, the frog is also considered a symbol of procreation. In both Croatian and Czech cultures, married couples performed ritualized ‘frog dances’, imitating the movement of frogs to ensure the ongoing fertility of the fields, the cattle, and even the people in the community. Performed until the 1970s, dances such as the Žapci, the Žabská or Žabský (which translate as “frog”), involved frog-like leaps from a squatting position, accompanied by songs termed falický (Vince Pallua, 2019).

Toad artifacts have been created since prehistoric times, and toads are frequently portrayed in ancient pictographs, paintings, and sculptures (Ekenvall, 1978; DeGraaff, 1991). In central European cultures, small toad sculptures and votives were placed as offerings at holy sites or brought to the shrines of Christian saints to petition for pregnancy (Figure 7), or for relief of uterine problems (Gimbutas, 2001a). Toads have been associated with vaginal symbols since at least medieval times, and in some parts of Germany, women still refer to the womb as a toad (Devereux et al., 1981).

The association of frogs and toads with fertility, protection, healing, and renewal influence herptile conservation by shaping public attitudes and community engagement. These ancient and ongoing symbolic associations, such as frogs being seen as protectors of mothers and fertility, and toads linked to life-giving spring rains, frame these amphibians as valuable and sacred in many cultures. This cultural reverence can motivate communities to protect amphibians as part of their heritage and spiritual well-being, fostering conservation support that goes beyond ecological rationales alone by emphasizing that cultural, spiritual, historical, and ethical values also legitimately drive and shape conservation actions.

Bad omens and misfortune

Africa

Snakes are often considered dangerous animals by many Indigenous communities of modern South Africa, and they tend to be killed on sight (Simelane and Kerley, 1998). Further persecution of snakes is due to them being considered bad omens by people of clans that do not have a snake totem. The presence of one snake means people should be cautious of that snake’s mate following closely behind it. The sacred forests of VhaVhenḓa are said to be guarded by a large snake that kills people who collect firewood from those forests. The lore and stories of many Indigenous cultures portray most snakes as villains or deceptive characters. Conversely, Southern African Python (P. natalensis) and Black Mamba (Dendroaspis polylepis) are portrayed as powerful traditional healers; characters with favorable traits (Mavikane, 1990; Koopman, 2015).

Toads are considered attracters of lighting, and frogs tend to be unwanted near households as they are also considered to attract snakes to people’s yards. Glandular-skinned frogs are considered a threat to human health as their glands are equated to warts that can infect people (Phaka et al., 2017). Tropical House Gecko (Hemidactylus mabouia), which are common in residential areas, are killed by BaPedi and BaTswana when they are found inside their houses as they are said to be a bad omen and have an incurable bite.

Asia-Indonesia

Historically, Indonesians were first introduced to Hindu as a religion in the beginning of 4 AD by the Persian and Gujarati merchants, who also spread animism and dynamism beliefs. Although influences from other religions such as Moslem, Buddhist, and Christian later entered Indonesia, the practice of attributing soul into objects remains throughout generations especially in Java, Bali, Kalimantan, and Maluku (Sirait and Malau, 2022; Darme and Andhifani, 2023). This history influences how Indonesians value herptiles as a one of many sacred mythology creatures. To Hindu people, the snake is a sacred animal that is usually found in temples, whose presence is attributed to future events, either bringing luck or misfortune. Some people believe that a snake should not be killed, or if it is accidentally killed, a ceremony must be held to prevent bad luck.

The Sea Krait (Laticauda spp.) or in local terms, Lipi Poleng (in English, “banded snake”) is a sacred animal that guards Tanah Lot temple in Bali. According to local belief, the snakes were the incarnation of high priests’ belts intentionally left to guard the temple and holy spring that are situated in the middle of a rocky beach (Figure 8). Praying while gently rubbing the snakes would make wishes come true, although most visitors are aware of its highly poisonous feature.

In addition, the snake, for Javanese people, is the ruler of the earth and guardian of the underworld, known as Anantaboga or Sang Hyang Antaboga; a powerful god with a golden necklace and crown (Suryana, 2014; Pranata, 2021). People of North Sumatra, West, and Central Java also believe that white crocodiles (presumably refers to albino crocodiles) are sacred. Places, such as lakes, rivers, and dams, where the white crocodiles are believed to live, people usually behave very politely to avoid getting their soul possessed (Syahroni, 2023). Some also believe that encountering a white crocodile is a sign that a disastrous event will soon take place in their life.

Europe

Despite their positive association with fertility and childbirth, toads are often linked with sin, magic, witchcraft, and evil (Laskow, 400 AD) (transl. 2017), and it was a commonly held belief throughout Europe that a witch could readily transform into a frog or toad (Đorđević, 1958; Mencej, 2015). Toads were widely considered to be diabolical creatures, their body parts having supernatural abilities and their blood containing poison. There are many thousands of references to the use of toads in ‘witches brews or philtres’, which could enslave a man for sexual purposes (Fletcher, 1896; Morgan, 1986). It is also suggested that the toad can materialize as the Devil, or act as a ‘witches familiar’ or totem animal. The Roman poet Propertius described toads as ‘ingredients’, and such beliefs fueled a witch-finding purge in medieval Europe (Lyttle et al., 1996).

In oral traditions from Ireland and Scotland, a mischievous fairy or Alp Luachra, sometimes called a man keeper, presented in the form of a small newt-like creature, forms the theme of a recurring tale. A person either falls asleep by the water or consumes the animal in water or milk. Now living inside the victim, the creature eats half of all the food passing into his belly, and the unfortunate host wastes away. In some cases, the Alp Luachra may give birth, in which case the increased parasitic burden leads to a bloated abdomen, a raging thirst, and eventual starvation in its victim. To get rid of an Alp Luachra, you can tempt it out with strong smelling food, in which case it may leave its host of its own accord. For a more proactive treatment, you must consume a great quantity of salt or salt beef, then lie next to the stream or river. When the Alp-Luachra grows thirsty, it will hop out by itself and swim away (Glen, 1938).

In some German-speaking countries melanistic or ‘black’ adders have a reputation for being more aggressive and toxic than lighter colored adders, and were initially considered a separate species, the ‘hell adder’. This may have reflected more broadly held beliefs that dark colored animals, including cats, dogs, and ravens, are symbols of bad luck, treachery, evil, and witchcraft. In certain parts of Europe, including rural parts of Germany, black-colored adders are still more feared, despite there being no evidence for any difference in toxicity of their venom (Otte et al., 2020; Schulte et al., 2024). In Denmark, puffballs were considered to be the homes of adders, and this is reflected in the names for these fungi of hugormehoveder (viper’s head) and hugormeknolde (viper’s ‘knot’ or ‘tuber’) (Brøndegaard, 1987).

Etymological symbolism

Europe

Language can reveal human relationships with their environment (Inglis and Pascual, 2023). The study of the origin and meaning of the words (etymology) of amphibians and reptiles in different languages can uncover information regarding the cultural perspectives about these animal groups. The traditional knowledge and use of some herpetological species are sometimes even reflected in their scientific names [e.g., Pelophylax kl. esculentus (Linnaeus, 1758): esculentus means edible and delicious] (International Union of Biological Sciences, 1999). These later names are, however, subjected to nomenclatural rules, in contrast to common or vernacular names, which potentially evolved as culture evolved. Besides etymology, languages are in fact associated with biodiversity and evolution (Gorenflo et al., 2012). Species richness can reflect the language diversity of a geographical region. Changes in species diversity and abundance could have influenced changes in languages, for example, leading to the origin of new words to designate endemic species.

Languages can reflect the knowledge and perceptions of amphibians and reptiles, especially in regions such as Europe, where traditional communities are being abandoned mainly due to a rural exodus to urban areas. In Europe, amphibian and reptile diversity peaks in the Mediterranean region, particularly in the three Mediterranean peninsulas: Iberian, Apennine, and Balkan peninsulas (Hewitt, 2011; Çiçek et al., 2017; Macaluso et al., 2023). At the same time, in the Mediterranean peninsulas, 16 official languages are spoken at the present day (Table 3; it should be noted that many other language varieties and regionalisms exist across the Mediterranean region, reflecting a richer linguistic and cultural diversity). From the common names of these languages, many scientific taxonomic names of herpetological groups have been designated (e.g., salamandra, batrachos, serpente, or chelona, Table 3). Many languages from the Mediterranean peninsulas shared a common origin. For instance, Spanish, Galician, Portuguese, Catalan, Italian, and Romanian are Romance languages with a common origin (derived from Latin). Hence, shared vocabulary for amphibians and reptiles can be expected. Some languages (e.g. Basque), evolved largely in isolation and have distinct, sometimes unknown, origins, thus the same amphibian or reptile species may be designated by entirely different names arising independently in different linguistic and geographic contexts. When accounting for language origins, the number of different words or word-changes among languages could reflect biological characteristics of amphibians and reptiles of the Mediterranean peninsulas. A higher number of word changes among languages could be related to higher group diversity (word changes with different word roots: eight for lizard; seven for toad; six for frog and turtle; and five for salamander, newt, and snake, Table 3). The highest number of changes among the 16 languages is found for the word lizard. Lizards are the herpetological group with the highest diversity across the Mediterranean peninsulas (Çiçek et al., 2017). We hypothesize that little variation in common names could also be related to a continuous distribution of conspicuous species, leading to language exchanges between neighbors even with different language origins [e.g., salamander group, whose common name probably comes from the fire salamander species, Salamandra salamandra (Linnaeus, 1758), distributed almost continuously across continental Europe (Burgon et al., 2021)]. Besides diversity information, common names can inform about the traditional or common knowledge and cultural importance of herptiles. Within the different herpetological groups, it should be noted that some species have a specific and unique common name that provides more complete information about their biology (e.g., European cave salamanders, the only European representatives of the plethodontids, which have direct development and are almost exclusively distributed in Italy (Lanza et al., 2005), are known in Italian as geotritone: land salamander). General group names at the etymological level can also unveil the cultural and traditional importance of this species group for the region. This is the case of the Galician word for newt, limpafontes, which translates to “fountain cleaner”. Newts are also known as gardafontes (“guardian of the fountain”) or pintafontes (“painter of the fountain”) in Galician, which probably highlights the regional importance of newts as bioindicators of water quality and aesthetic elements of nature.

Herptiles as sentinels and keystone species

Extensions of wetlands

Africa

In many African indigenous communities, herptiles are viewed not only as vital components of their ecosystems but also as sentinels and keystone species with deep cultural meaning. Among the VhaVhenḓa people of South Africa, frogs and turtles are especially revered as extensions or representatives of the sacred freshwater systems that sustain life and community well-being. Their appearance out of water is believed to bridge the ordinary and spiritual realms, symbolizing the health and vitality of rivers, springs, and wetlands upon which people depend (Phaka et al., 2023). This reverence is rooted in the recognition that herptiles are highly sensitive to environmental changes, making them natural indicators of ecosystem health. Their presence or absence is closely monitored, tying community practices to cycles of abundance, rainfall, and ecological stewardship (Phaka et al., 2023). Across the continent, herptiles play pivotal ecosystem roles (i.e. regulating insect populations and serving as prey in wetlands) which amplifies their ecological and spiritual significance. This dual perspective is fundamental to conservation practices, embedding herptile reverence in oral tradition, ritual, and daily ecological management (Phaka et al., 2023).

North America

Indigenous Peoples in the region of present-day Mexico employ conservation models based on the association of herpetofauna as extensions of their wetland habitats including the traditional wetland management of Maya communities and the application of Nahua herpetological knowledge toward enhanced soil health. Archaeological and ethnographic studies confirm that Maya groups utilized integrated multi-trophic aquaculture (IMTA, a type of aquaculture where the byproducts, including waste, from one aquatic species are used as inputs, like fertilizers and food, for another), including species of amphibians and turtles, as a landscape management and food-cultivation strategy (Palka, 2024). Maya canals in Edzná (Campeche) continue to be used for cultivation and to support regional herptile biodiversity today (López-Castilla et al., 2024). Furthermore, Maya-led efforts in Mexico City’s Xochimilco habitat fuse traditional Aztec-era chinampa farming with modern conservation methods to support the critically endangered axolotl (Ambystoma mexicanum) (Voss et al., 2015). The “Chinampa Refugio” project partners with local farmers to build axolotl refuges (canals isolated by natural biofilters), protecting the salamanders from invasive species and pollution (Figure 9). This approach leverages traditional knowledge in managing water quality and habitat structure, offering a successful tactic where captive breeding alone has been less effective (Jaber, 2025). Nahua (Náhuatl -speaking) farmers possess valuable ethnoherpetological knowledge, including the use of amphibians and reptiles as ecological indicators where the presence or activity of certain snake and lizard species is used to assess soil moisture, fertility, and even potential harvest outcomes (Linares-Rosas et al., 2021). This approach allows Indigenous farmers to track subtle ecological changes and adjust practices based on traditional ecological knowledge (TEK) that is more sensitive and often outperforms standardized, scientific indicators (Souther et al., 2023).

Indicators of land use disruptions

North America

Indigenous Peoples with homelands across Southern Canada have oral histories and stories that feature reptiles and amphibians as important parts of local ecology and place-making. The Secwépemc Nation in British Columbia (BC) maintains an oral history explaining the origin of well-defined rattlesnake ranges between Kamloops and Chase, BC (Michel, 2021). The story details a fight between two giant brothers whose battering formed the mountain range seen in the region. One of the brothers took a rattlesnake and threw it west toward Kamloops, resolving their battle, and explaining the unique distribution of the species. This story emphasizes TEK around historic habitat ranges, allowing these First Nations to recognize subtle changes related to habitat disturbance, land-use alterations, and climate change that may otherwise go unnoticed. In the region, there is a specific emphasis on holistic monitoring and family teachings that capture multi-year, multi-generational herptile trends. This community-based conservation strategy ensures respect for seasonal cycles rather than rigid scientific sampling windows, and, in this way, TEK and associated, long-term, place-based observations allow them to be particularly attuned to changes in population sizes, habitat conditions, and animal behaviors.

Another example of this Indigenous approach to species monitoring and conservation include the Western painted turtle (Chrysemys picta) and the Oregon spotted frog (Rana pretiosa) (Figure 10). The Western painted turtle is the only freshwater turtle species native to British Columbia (BC), and the species was listed as ‘endangered’ in the Pacific Coast region due to habitat loss, predation, and competition from invasive species. Recently, the species was updated to “threatened” due to extensive recovery initiatives in Canada (Committee on the Status of Endangered Wildlife in Canada, 2017). Efforts to protect the species are frequently Indigenous-led or strongly collaborative with Indigenous Peoples. The Sq’ewqéyl (Skowkale), Áthelets (Aitchelitz), and Yeqwyeqwí:ws (Yakweakwioose), for example, are deeply involved in the release of captivity-raised turtle hatchlings (Wildlife Preservation Canada, n.d.). Also in BC, Indigenous Peoples reported declines in the Oregon spotted frog ahead of formal scientific recognition. Because scientific surveys missed subtle population declines due to their episodic nature, local knowledge of changing trends in frog calling timing and abundance was imperative in prompting earlier conservation actions like habitat protection, breeding programs, and more robust monitoring initiatives coordinated in the region (Wildlife Preservation Canada, n.d.).

Early collaboration with Indigenous Peoples in research planning has proved to enhance the selection of sites and species of concern. This was, again, demonstrated in a recent study when a group of researchers from Laurentian University in Ontario partnered with two Anishinaabek communities, Shawanaga First Nation (SFN) and Magnetawan First Nation (MFN), to investigate wildlife interactions with railways bisecting two Traditional Territories. Using a community-informed, combined Indigenous knowledge−contemporary approach, the group determined that reptiles and amphibians were the most severely affected taxa, accounting for 87% of observed mortalities. Seven species at risk of extinction interacted with the railway, including three turtle species and one snake species, all of whom were found dead on the railway tracks (Vincent et al., 2025) (Figure 11).

Indigenous and community-led conservation efforts to protect herpetofauna in Mexico have been extremely successful. For example, within Mexico, the State of Oaxaca ranks first in the number of registered species, and it is also the State with the largest Indigenous and Community Conservation Area (ICCA) with a total of 1,296.90 km 2 (CONANP, 2025). Much of this area is immersed in the Chinantla, Mazateca, Mixe, and Zoque ethnic groups. The montane cloud forests are considered a priority area for amphibian and reptile conservation (CONANP, 2025), and they are primarily maintained by the regional Indigenous Peoples through sustainable farming and subsistence activities. One study highlights the importance of pairing scientific systematic monitoring with Indigenous-led conservation to elucidate the beneficial outcomes of this sustainable land management model (Simón-Salvador et al., 2021); benefits including increased species ranges, the distribution of rare species, and the rediscovery of a species undetected for more than 50 years prior (Brokencollar Graceful Brown Snake, Rhadinella schistosa) (Simón-Salvador et al., 2021) (Figure 12). This study elevates the role of ICCAs in the successful conservation of herptiles and their habitats and the knowledge gaps that can be filled through effective partnerships.

Ecosystem engineers

North America

Specific native species are of cultural concern among the Cherokee including the gopher tortoise (Gopherus polyphemus). The species is revered as a keystone species, where its burrows provide shelter to other animals including rabbits, snakes, and lizards (Dziadzio and Smith, 2016). Indigenous management practices focus on informed habitat stewardship such as prescribed burning to maintain open pine habitats favorable to tortoises and active monitoring of populations and burrow locations taking note of natural behaviors and seasonal cycles (Yager et al., 2007). Collaboration with federal and state wildlife agencies often support these practices and help identify key habitat areas, population trends, and seasonal fluctuations unfamiliar to conventional scientists. The Cherokee cultural valuation of gopher tortoises as keystone species sustains these conservation efforts and effectively turns habitat stewardship into a core mechanism for long-term tortoise and commensal-species conservation.

Agricultural and ecological protectors

Africa

The beliefs of IsiZulu- and SeSotho-speaking (AmaZulu and BaSotho) farmers in Africa, associating the increased activity of some reptiles after winter dormancy with the start of the planting season, inform conservation by fostering an ecological awareness that links reptile behaviors to essential agricultural cycles. This traditional knowledge encourages farmers to observe and respect reptile activity patterns as indicators of seasonal changes important for farming. This promotes coexistence with reptiles rather than viewing them as nuisances. Such positive perceptions can reduce direct harm to reptiles and encourage habitat conservation to support these ecological signals vital to sustainable agricultural practices, as is evidenced in the case of Grass Snakes (Natrix spp.) in Europe (Box 2), (Zuma-Netshiukhwi et al., 2013).

The distribution of the Barred Grass Snake (Natrix helvetica) and Eastern Grass Snake (Natrix natrix) in Northwestern Europe is historically linked with livestock husbandry and especially with the presence of compost and manure heaps in human settlements, from Neolithic times up to the 20th century (Löwenborg et al., 2010; Lenders and Janssen, 2014). These manmade breeding sites are utilized for oviposition and incubation and often exceed natural egg deposition sites in quality and effectiveness in terms of successful incubation and hatch rates in this part of Europe (Zuiderwijk et al., 1991; Löwenborg et al., 2011). Due to the presence of these exogenic energy sources in human settlements humans and grass snakes lived in close proximity to one another for many centuries (van Wijngaarden-Bakker and Troostheide, 2003; Löwenborg et al., 2012). This shared habitat was not only beneficial for grass snakes but led to a reciprocal cultural effect (Lenders and Janssen, 2014). Before the conversion of Europe to Christianity grass snakes were chthonic deities in pre-Christian traditions (Gimbutas, 2001b; Lenders and Janssen, 2014). These snakes were considered to be harbingers of spring after re-emergence from after hibernation, symbols of renewal due to regular shedding of skin, emblems of wisdom due to the lack of eye-lids (all seeing) and associated with death and reincarnation of e.g. deceased family member (Egli, 1982). For these agricultural communities dung was a prized commodity which was essential for fertilizing fields. Grass snakes were often found near dung and cattle, which led to the belief that both were under the protection of grass snakes (often regarded as reincarnated loved ones (Lenders and Janssen, 2014).

This belief gave rise to the grass snake being a symbol of fertility, wealth and agricultural proficiency in these cultures. In this light, grass snakes were not to be harmed, and many positive attributes were ascribed to this “house serpent” (Lenders and Janssen, 2014). After the Christianization of Europe, the cultural attitude changed in a negative fashion. Snakes were not considered favorably in Christian traditions and were often linked to the Anti-Christ (the mythical basilisk). This negative view eroded the previous positive attitude towards snakes and often led to persecution of grass snakes. With Northwestern European societies becoming ever more secularized, persecution is becoming less of an issue. However, during the past century man-made breeding sites have largely disappeared, driven by a shift towards large scale industrial agriculture and more stringent environmental legislation; and, whereas traditionally every livestock farm would have a manure heap, such features are now few and far between. These major changes have had a significant impact on the number and availability of suitable breeding sites for these egg-laying snakes and may contribute to population declines (Hagman et al., 2012; Stark and Janssen, 2022).

The history of grass snakes and humans throughout history provide valuable insights in land sharing and land sparing as nature conservation strategies (Ekroos et al., 2016; Zhang et al., 2022). Both grass snake species can subsist within our communities if certain aspects are provided (egg deposition sites, hibernation sites, foraging sites, and connectivity). Furthermore, this history shows that not only ecological and physical attributes are important for successfully sharing habitat, but that also cultural aspects play a vital role for a sustainable future between us and our reptilian neighbors (Lenders and Janssen, 2014). Moreover, grass snakes main diet consists of amphibians which are in turn indicators for healthy aquatic- and terrestrial ecosystems (Estes-Zumpf et al., 2022). The presence of grass snake populations can be an (indirect) sign of a healthy environment due to their reliance on amphibians as a main staple. In the Netherlands Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs), land managers, allotment associations and citizen scientists have been creating grass snake breeding heaps to reinstate a form of the traditional manure heap (Stark and Janssen, 2022). Reptile, Amphibian and Fish Conservation the Netherlands (RAVON) has supported this effort by creating an online platform (www.broeihopen.nl) where volunteer citizen scientist “grass snake working groups” can enter data such as the location of breeding heaps, heap composition, number of (un-)hatched eggs and observations of grass snakes. Egg counts can be visualized in a graph comparing the number of hatched vs. unhatched eggs for a specific heap, but also across all heaps. Since the creation of the platform (2016) more than 80 working groups have joined the scheme reporting > 300,000 eggs which are submitted to the Dutch National Database of Flora and Fauna. This online platform can provide an effective tool to educate, engage and connect volunteers to conserve and restore the historic close bond between humans and grass snakes as a companion species.

Asia-Indonesia

In many Indonesian communities, crocodiles and sharks are seen as both protectors and threats, embodying the dual nature of the natural world. This duality can foster a mindset that values coexistence and caution, rather than outright eradication or fear-based persecution. Additionally, in rice-growing regions like Bali and Java, the rice complex is embedded in a sacred landscape where animals that live in and around paddies (e.g. eels, frogs, snakes, and lizards) are recognized as part of the system that protect rice from pests and maintain soil fertility. Farmers may tolerate or even value snakes and frogs in fields because they consume rats and insects. In Asia, the rice spirit is a goddess of life and fertility and often a mother figure; in Bali she is called Dewi Sri or Devi Sri (earthstOriez, 2024). Dewi Sri is associated with life, wealth, and plenty, often linked to the rice paddy snake (ular sawah) as a symbol of growth and renewal, with myths sometimes pairing her with the paddy swallow (sriti) or Sedana as a celestial companion who is frequently separated from her (earthstOriez, 2024).

North America

Similarly, in North America and among the Nahuas from Cuetzalan del Progreso, Mexico, snakes such as the Boa Constrictor (Boa imperator) are embedded in tenets where their presence is thought to protect crops (García-López et al., 2017). This spiritual value elevates the status of snakes from mere animals to protectors of agricultural well-being. This valuation can promote tolerance and protective attitudes toward snakes among local communities, translating into conservation benefits such as reduced persecution and an awareness of snake habitats within farming landscapes.

In these three cases, the intertwining of herptile behavior with agricultural success encourages conservation-minded actions by fostering respect and recognition of these species’ ecological roles among farmers. These traditional perspectives can thus be leveraged in conservation outreach to align ecological goals with community values, promoting protection of reptiles as both agricultural allies and cultural symbols.

Fundamental to ecotourism

Asia-Indonesia

Indonesia is the world’s largest archipelago that is situated in Southeast Asia, between the Pacific and Indian Oceans, spanning an area of 1,905 million km 2 (Supriatna, 2018). It is known as a mega-biodiversity country which shelters as much as 10% of the world’s biodiversity; both biotic and abiotic diversity (Supriatna, 2018). Geographically, Indonesia is situated around the equator line that causes tropical climate and surrounded by waters that ensure uniform temperature of 26°C–28°C all year round throughout the country (Arianto, 2020). Bigger islands, such as Sumatera, Java, Kalimantan, and Sulawesi are not only mountainous but are also drained by rivers and tributaries. Based on those geographical features, Indonesia has become a global-top ten country with a total of 409 amphibian and 755 reptile species (Badriah et al., 2022). Thirty-one out of 755 reptile species have been legally protected under the Ministry of Natural Resources and Forestry Law No.20 since 2018 (Ministry of Natural Resources and Forestry, 2018), while no amphibian species has been fully identified as protected by the national law. Out of those numbers, Indonesians are known to use at least 74 species of herptiles; 14 amphibians and 60 reptiles, for various uses (Mardiastuti et al., 2020). This number may be higher due to lack of identification to species level.

Cultural values and traditional practices play a role in managing wildlife use and ultimately contribute to the local economy through ecotourism. For example, surveys in Meru Betiri National Park identified 32 herpetofauna species, including sea turtles and tree frogs. These species offer a basis for sustainable livelihoods through guided tours and conservation-friendly enterprises (Kurniawan et al., 2018), thus intersecting local economies and biodiversity conservation. Limiting harvests is another example of wildlife use management. On Tinjil Island in Banten, for example, locals observe a customary prohibition against harvesting Water Monitor Lizards (Varanus salvator) and Reticulated Pythons (Python reticulatus). Such unwritten rules help prevent overexploitation, reinforcing conservation outcomes even in areas lacking formal enforcement mechanisms (Uyeda et al., 2016), and thus contribute to local ecotourism. Strategies that combine traditional knowledge, regulated trade, and ecotourism development can offer a balanced approach to conserving these ecologically and economically valuable species.

Incorporating Indigenous perspectives and ancestral knowledge into conversations around herpetofauna conservation not only reveals the profound and multifaceted roles herptiles play in cultures worldwide, but it also highlights “ontological” or “onto-epistemic openings” (De La Cadena, 2017). These “openings” emphasize that Indigenous Ways of Knowing are often not constrained by distinct modern categories like “nature”, “religion”, “science”, and “politics” but that there is fluidity between them, a concept further supported by anthropologist Eduardo Viveiros de Castro (Viveiros de Castro, 2015). Recognizing this pattern in our study demonstrates that herptiles as symbols, sentinels, and cultural keystone species is contiguous with conservation. Herptiles serve as enduring cultural symbols linked to rain, seasonal cycles, fertility, and renewal processes, and these perspectives can foster reverence and emphasize their integral place within natural and spiritual worldviews. This symbolism not only embeds these species within cultural identity and practice but also supports conservation through cultural obligations and totemic kinship systems that encourage protection and stewardship.

Fearful and negative associations with herptiles, such as snakes being considered dangerous or malevolent spirits and frogs attracting snakes or disease, can drive persecution and killing on sight, undermining conservation. Similarly, geckos, toads, and frogs may be actively removed because of these superstitions. At the same time, fears intertwined with reverence can promote protection, as people leave certain animals and habitats undisturbed out of respect for supernatural consequences, for example sacred forest snakes or spiritually significant crocodiles in Indonesian and other cultures (Syahroni, 2023). In these cases, sacred-site narratives and taboos can, in some cases, act as de facto “protections” that indirectly support the conservation of resident herptile species. This coexistence of perspectives, along with the One Health approach more broadly, aligns with philosopher, Isabelle Stengers’s work on the “ecology of practices”, where different ways of knowing exist, without one dominating, as “living beings” in a shared habitat (Stengers, 2005).

Although not always the case and certainly not prescriptive, the Indigenous attitudes and Western/scientific conservation research detailed here seem to converge on the idea that herptiles play an important role in our connection with the natural world. As symbols, sentinels, and sensitive indicators, herptiles can signal environmental disturbances, land use changes, and water quality. Indigenous knowledge systems have long recognized these ecological roles, with local observations yielding early warnings about habitat disruption and species declines, often ahead of formal scientific detection (Wildlife Preservation Canada, n.d.). The collaborative integration of Indigenous monitoring and Western/scientific research practices proves vital to more responsive and adaptive conservation initiatives (Vincent et al., 2025). The key will be using a One Health approach for this integration so that all sectors of included knowledge systems have a ‘seat at the table’.

Ecologically, many herptile species also serve as keystone species, and can act as ecosystem engineers and natural controllers of crop pests, thereby supporting biodiversity and agricultural productivity (i.e. as natural predators of crop nuisance rodents). These ecological functions, combined with deep cultural valuation (as both symbols and economic resources), present unique conservation entry points, in which cultural respect and Indigenous stewardship align with ecological sustainability goals. Yet, the historical marginalization of herptiles in One Health research and policy limits the full recognition of these intertwined roles. Addressing this gap requires expanded ethnoherpetological research that quantifies both positive and negative cultural impacts as well as the regular inclusion of various knowledge systems, thereby enriching One Health approaches with holistic, culturally comprehensive perspectives.

Because our case studies and literature reviews focus on a subset of Indigenous and ancestral communities across five continents, the scope of this paper, inevitably, does not capture the full diversity of Indigenous relationships with herptiles worldwide. Further, by categorizing these perspectives by modern geopolitical and continental labels (‘Africa’, ‘Asia’, ‘Europe’, ‘North America’, and ‘South America’), this paper necessarily simplifies a much more complex mosaic of Indigenous nations, languages, and political contexts. There are likely some nuances and intraspecific differences among Indigenous communities that are missed here, but we have attempted to provide a broad and thoughtful synthesis. The patterns we describe should be viewed as illustrative rather than a comprehensive or unified ‘Indigenous perspective’, inviting future collaborations that expand this work to other regions and Peoples globally.

In conclusion, this paper highlights the invaluable insights embedded in Indigenous and ancestral cultural perspectives on herptiles that inform innovative and inclusive One Health conservation. By recognizing herptiles as symbols, sentinels, and keystone species interwoven in cultural fabrics, conservation strategies can move beyond mere species protection toward fostering reciprocal, respectful relationships between humans, wildlife, and the ecosystems they share. This reinforces the imperative of bridging Indigenous knowledge and Western science to develop culturally grounded, ecologically sound solutions capable of addressing the complex sustainability challenges of our time. From Jywateju kayabi (Ethnicity: Kaiabi/Kawaiwete; Village/local: CTL-Diauarum Território do Xingu-MT): “In the past, frogs and toads communicated or spoke normally with humans, but in the present time, people no longer communicate in the language of the animals,” but perhaps, if we listen more closely, we will realize that herptiles are communicating their significance and calling out for their own conservation in other ways to us now.