Reconnecting humans and nature through biocultural approaches: the role of indigenous cultural values for biodiversity conservation in Southwestern Nigeria

Introduction

The accelerating global decline of biodiversity is one of the most critical environmental crises of the Anthropocene, threatening ecosystem stability, human livelihoods, and planetary resilience (Diaz et al., 2019; IPBES, 2022). For decades, conventional conservation paradigms have been largely influenced by “fortress conservation” models, which emphasize state-enforced protected areas, physical barriers, and the exclusion of Indigenous People from conservation spaces (Agrawal and Gibson, 1999; Adams and Hutton, 2007). Such approaches have contributed to a conceptual separation between humans and nature by portraying human communities, including Indigenous People within the context of this study, as external actors rather than integral components of ecological systems. Consequently, these models position humans as potential intruders of nature rather than as participants with historical, cultural, and relational connections to the environments they inhabit. However, growing empirical evidence shows that top-down, exclusionary strategies often fail to achieve long-term ecological sustainability, frequently generating deep-seated community resistance, socio-economic marginalization, and high enforcement costs (Berkes, 2009; Bennett et al., 2017).

Concurrently, global assessments indicate that lands managed, held, or influenced by Indigenous Peoples and Local Communities (IPLCs) contain approximately 40% of the world’s formally protected areas and safeguard some of the highest levels of ecological integrity on Earth (Garnett et al., 2018; Fa et al., 2020). Consequently, there is an urgent paradigm shift towards “biocultural conservation”, which recognizes that biological and cultural diversity are structurally interdependent and mutually reinforcing (Gavin et al., 2015). In Sub-Saharan Africa, and specifically within the dense rainforest and transition zones of Southwestern Nigeria, ecosystems have historically been managed through intricate Indigenous Knowledge Systems (IKS) and traditional governance frameworks (Jimoh et al., 2012; Onyekwelu and Olusola, 2014). Long before the introduction of colonial and post-colonial statutory laws, local communities relied on a sophisticated matrix of socio-cultural mechanisms, including sacred groves (igbo orisa), institutionalized taboos (eewo), totemic associations, and ancestral festivals, to regulate human interactions with the natural world (Awoniyi, 2015). For instance, specific forest patches like Igbo Oro (the Oro sacred forest) or riverine ecosystems associated with deities (such as the Ogun River) served as communal sanctuaries where logging, hunting, and agricultural cultivation were strictly prohibited under pain of spiritual or customary sanctions (Rim-Rukeh et al., 2013). These culturally protected spaces effectively served as in-situ genetic repositories, preserving critical apex flora such as Iroko (Milicia excelsa) and Mahogany (Khaya ivorensis), as well as diverse wildlife populations (Onyekwelu and Olusola, 2014).

Despite their historical efficacy, these traditional ecological governance structures are currently facing unprecedented systemic pressures. Rapid urbanization, population growth, infrastructural development, and escalating economic hardships have severely fragmented local landscapes and driven communities toward unsustainable, coping-driven resource exploitation (Colding and Folke, 2001; Appiah-Opoku, 2007). Furthermore, the pervasive spread of modern Western education and monotheistic religions (Christianity and Islam) has systematically devalued and delegitimized Indigenous cosmologies, often mischaracterizing ancestral conservation practices as obsolete or idolatrous customs (Eneji et al., 2012; Ormsby, 2012). This ongoing socio-cultural transformation has disrupted the intergenerational transmission of environmental knowledge, resulting in declining awareness and observance of local ecological taboos among younger generations (Tang and Gavin, 2016). As cultural values that traditionally connected communities to their landscapes weaken, ecological stewardship may also decline, contributing to biodiversity loss and increasing human disconnection from nature (Soga and Gaston, 2018). While the broader literature recognizes the theoretical value of traditional resource management, there remains a critical threefold empirical gap regarding how localized customary institutions actively interact with contemporary socio-demographic changes in Southwestern Nigeria, particularly among the historical Egba communities of Ogun State. Geographically, most quantitative research focuses on East African or Amazonian Indigenous landscapes, leaving West African urban-fringe traditional communities underrepresented.

Theoretically, there is a lack of integration between the Biocultural Conservation framework and quantitative models of traditional governance systems. Methodologically, existing literature relies heavily on qualitative case studies, meaning that systematic, quantitative, and explanatory mixed-method assessments evaluating the modern enforcement capacity of these institutions, the perceived ecological trends over time, and the explicit structural models predicting totemic beliefs remain sparse. Few quantitative studies have examined how Indigenous governance institutions influence biodiversity conservation outcomes among Yoruba communities in Southwestern Nigeria, and as such, explanations required to reinforce the importance of the reassociation of Indigenous People with nature as a remedy for exclusionary conservation strategies that have proved unsuccessful are lacking. Egba People possess a rich heritage of traditional governance, structured around powerful cultural institutions such as the council of chiefs (Ogboni), traditional rulers (Obas and Baales), and hunters’ guilds (Egbe Ode). However, systematic, quantitative, and mixed-method assessments evaluating the effectiveness of these institutions in a dynamic society, the perceived ecological trends of culturally significant species over time, and the explicit structural relationship between support for knowledge transmission and belief in totemic species protection remain sparse. Understanding these dynamics is vital to explaining Indigenous People as indispensable and intrinsic constituents of nature, on which biodiversity conservation is dependent. Furthermore, by recognizing the natural intelligence of the Indigenous People in addition to scientifically embracing their cultural pathways of interacting with biodiversity rationally, would help design collaborative, polycentric conservation frameworks that effectively bridge the gap between formal state legislations and informal community-backed norms.

Although the gender implications of biocultural approaches among Indigenous People offer an important dimension that could have been explored more critically in this study, particularly because the relationship between Indigenous knowledge systems and biodiversity conservation in Southwestern Nigeria has received increasing scholarly attention (Osemeobo, 2001; Gbadegesin and Gbadamosi, 2024; Ayeni et al., 2026). However, beyond documenting cultural restrictions that limit women’s participation in biocultural practices, for instance, Jimoh et al. (2012) found that a taboo prohibits women from hunting on certain days, thereby reducing pressure on biodiversity and regulating resource use. Similarly, Osemeobo (2013) reported that, among the three types of sacred groves that support biocultural conservation in Nigeria, women are prohibited from entering or viewing the third type, which is reserved for masquerade activities. These instances are classic examples that partly explain why women’s knowledge and perspectives remain underrepresented in conservation research and policy, resulting in an incomplete understanding of Indigenous ecological governance and the gender-specific consequences of biodiversity loss and cultural change. Similar to previous literature, little emphasis was placed on the gendered dimensions of Indigenous ecological knowledge in relation to biodiversity conservation in our study, thus serving as a major limitation. Recognizing this gap, the present study, through the indices represented within the respondents’ socio-demographic context and with specific reference to gender dimorphism, indirectly argues that women’s voices in leveraging Indigenous ecological knowledge for biodiversity conservation are as important as those of men.

Against the various arguments submitted under this section, this study tries to reposition the Indigenous People of the Egba community in Nigeria as intrinsic constituents of the Egba’s ecological system by examining the contemporary nexus between their Indigenous cultural values and biodiversity conservation. Specifically, the paper aims to: (1) assess community perceptions regarding the role and current enforcement strength of traditional cultural practices (taboos, sacred groves, and festivals) in environmental management; (2) evaluate the perceived multi-decadal changes in culturally and ecologically important flora and fauna within the study area (3) the underlying socio-cultural, economic, and developmental factors driving human-nature disconnection and knowledge erosion; and (4) Determine the socio-demographic and perceptual factors influencing support for Indigenous species-protection mechanisms, including totemic conservation practices, as expressions of broader Indigenous biodiversity governance systems.

Research questions

To address the identified gaps and achieve the study objectives, this research was guided by the following four interrelated questions:

RQ1: How do community members perceive the role and current enforcement strength of traditional cultural practices, including taboos, sacred groves, and festivals in environmental management within Egba communities?

RQ2: What are the perceived multi-decadal changes in the abundance of culturally and ecologically important flora and fauna within the study area?

RQ3: What underlying socio-cultural, economic, and developmental factors are driving human–nature disconnection and the erosion of traditional ecological knowledge among Egba communities?

RQ4: What socio-demographic and perceptual factors influence support for Indigenous species-protection mechanisms, including totemic conservation practices, as expressions of broader Indigenous biodiversity governance systems?

Theoretical framework

Biocultural approaches

Despite the growing scholarship on biocultural conservation, relatively limited attention has been devoted to synthesizing the extensive and overlapping literature on biocultural conservation approaches (Maffi and Woodley, 2010; Gavin et al., 2015; Rozzi, 2018; Merçon et al., 2019; Hanspach et al., 2020; Fernández-Llamazares et al., 2021). This gap is particularly evident in the Nigerian context, where these approaches are highly relevant for understanding traditional, cultural, and Indigenous conservation knowledge and how they are instrumental in conserving biodiversity. The concept of biocultural diversity first emerged in 1988 during the First International Congress of Ethnobiology held in Belém, Brazil. A major outcome of this congress was the Declaration of Belém, which formally recognized the existence of an “inextricable link” between biological and cultural diversity (Posey and Dutfield, 1996). Building on this foundation, the International Society for Ethnobiology established the Global Coalition for Bio-Cultural Diversity at its 1990 World Congress. The coalition was created to promote strategies that incorporated traditional knowledge, encouraged meaningful participation of local communities in conservation and development initiatives, and advanced People-centered alternatives to conventional conservation models (Posey and Dutfield, 1996).

Biocultural conservation has been described by Gavin et al. (2015) as “actions made in the service of sustaining the biophysical and sociocultural components of dynamic, interacting, and interdependent social-ecological systems.” Such actions encompass the diversity of life in all its forms, including biological, cultural, and linguistic dimensions, which are interconnected and have likely co-evolved within complex socio-ecological adaptive systems (Maffi and Woodley, 2010). These social-ecological systems (SES) recognize humans as integral components of nature rather than external actors (Berkes et al., 1998). Accordingly, biocultural conservation rejects the conventional separation of humans from nature by highlighting the mutual dependence of biological and cultural diversity (Gavin et al., 2015). Consequently, successful biocultural conservation relies on decision-making processes rooted in local institutions while simultaneously promoting environmental justice and equitable human rights (Gavin et al., 2015; Rozzi, 2018). At its core, the biocultural perspective is founded on the proposition that cultural diversity and the natural environment are not merely parallel phenomena but are fundamentally interconnected (Maffi and Woodley, 2010). Cultural diversity has been conceptualized in several ways, although it is most commonly understood through language, traditional knowledge, and shared cultural values (Maffi, 2005; Pretty et al., 2009; Sterling et al., 2017a). The erosion of these cultural dimensions consequently diminishes diverse knowledge systems and worldviews that provide valuable opportunities for biodiversity conservation (Gavin et al., 2018).

Drawing on earlier scholarships, including Maffi (2001); Gavin et al. (2015) synthesized eight guiding principles for biocultural conservation. The first principle acknowledges that conservation initiatives inevitably involve multiple stakeholder groups with differing, and sometimes competing, objectives, including variation within individual stakeholder groups. This diversity of interests makes the recognition of trade-offs an essential component of conservation decision-making. Expanding this perspective, Sterling et al. (2017a) describes biocultural approaches as those that “explicitly start with and build on place-based cultural perspectives, encompassing values, knowledge, and needs, and recognize feedback between ecological state and human well-being.” This interpretation closely aligns with the third principle proposed by Gavin et al. (2015), which emphasizes that culture is dynamic and that cultural change continually influences patterns of resource use and conservation outcomes. Understanding these cultural dynamics is therefore essential for identifying culturally sensitive trade-offs, including those shaped by local taboos, and for moving beyond oversimplified assumptions of mutually beneficial conservation outcomes. In this regard, the conservation of continually evolving cultural systems remains a prerequisite for effective conservation management, as these systems are expressed through diverse worldviews, languages, and knowledge traditions (Pretty et al., 2009; Gavin et al., 2015).

To strengthen the practical application of biocultural conservation, Sterling et al. (2017b) developed indicators that simultaneously assess ecological conditions and social dimensions. According to Sterling et al. (2017a), these indicators capture both the “ecological underpinnings of a cultural system and the cultural perspective of an ecological state,” thereby illustrating the reciprocal relationships between human communities and ecological systems. For instance, one social indicator may evaluate the proportion of elders or parents who transmit traditional harvesting knowledge to younger generations and examine how this relates to the health of local plant populations (Sterling et al., 2017c). Although existing frameworks such as the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals incorporate both environmental and human development objectives, they frequently assess these dimensions independently rather than recognizing their interconnected nature (Caillon et al., 2017). Across their conceptual definitions, guiding principles, and practical applications, biocultural approaches consistently emphasize the inseparable relationship between socio-cultural and ecological systems while recognizing the importance of locally grounded cultural perspectives in conservation practice. Guided by these principles, the present study adopted community visioning methods to identify biocultural resources and to develop a culturally grounded understanding of their significance, uses, and broader implications.

Methodology

Study area

As showcased in Figure 1 below, the study was conducted in Abeokuta, the capital city of Ogun State, located in the southwestern region of Nigeria. Geographically, Abeokuta lies between latitudes 7°00′ and 7°05′ N and longitudes 3°30′ and 3°37′ E. The area is characterized by two major rivers, the Ogun River and the Oyan River, which flow through the city and converge at a confluence situated to the north of the state capital (Soaga et al., 2014). Abeokuta occupies a strategic position approximately 100 km north of Lagos and 70 km southwest of Ibadan, making it an important administrative and economic hub in southwestern Nigeria. The climate is tropical wet-and-dry (Aw) according to Köppen’s classification, with a distinct rainy season between April and October and a dry season from November to March. The area receives an average annual rainfall of 1,200–1,500 mm, supporting a diverse mosaic of secondary forests, fallows, and agricultural landscapes (Oke, 2018). The Indigenous inhabitants of Abeokuta are the Egba People, a major sub-group of the Yoruba ethnic group. The Egba are traditionally divided into four sections, Ake, Oke-Ona, Owu, and Gbagura, each possessing distinctive cultural institutions, traditional rulers, and heritage identities. Administratively, the city comprises two Local Government Areas (LGAs): Abeokuta North and Abeokuta South. Abeokuta North lies around latitude 7°12′ N, 3°12′ E, while Abeokuta South is situated near longitude 7°09′ N, 3°21′ E (Wikipedia contributors, 2024a, 2024b). Despite its urban growth and cosmopolitan character, Abeokuta retains significant natural and cultural landscapes. The Egba area contains extensive free forest zones and two gazetted forest reserves covering approximately 61.19 km². The dominant timber species include Tectona grandis (teak) and Gmelina arborea, along with numerous Indigenous hardwood species found in unmanaged forest areas (Soaga, 2016).

Research design

The study adopted a cross-sectional explanatory survey design using a quantitative approach. The design was considered appropriate because it enabled the collection of data on respondents’ perceptions, beliefs, attitudes, and experiences regarding Indigenous cultural values, traditional ecological knowledge, and biodiversity conservation within Egba communities. The descriptive survey approach facilitated the systematic assessment of existing human–nature relationships and traditional conservation practices as perceived by community members in their natural socio-cultural setting. A cross-sectional design was considered suitable because information was collected from respondents at a single point in time, thereby providing a snapshot of prevailing Indigenous conservation beliefs and biodiversity-related perceptions within the study communities.

Study population

The target population comprised adult residents of selected Egba communities within Abeokuta North and Abeokuta South Local Government Areas (LGAs) of Ogun State, Nigeria. The study focused on community members who possessed knowledge of local cultural beliefs, Indigenous ecological practices, and biodiversity-related traditions. Eligible respondents included men, women, youths, farmers, traders, hunters, herbalists, civil servants, and community residents who had lived within the selected communities for a reasonable period and were familiar with Indigenous environmental practices. For the purpose of this study, the term “youth” refers to individuals aged 18–40 years. The concept of “younger generations” as used throughout this study refers broadly to respondents within younger age categories relative to older community members. This distinction is important in understanding generational differences in the acquisition, transmission, and application of Indigenous ecological knowledge and traditional conservation practices within Egba communities. According to population estimates reported by Adeleke et al. (2017), based on the National Population Commission, Abeokuta metropolis has an estimated population of approximately 616,473 residents. However, the study population was limited to residents of selected communities where Indigenous cultural institutions and biodiversity-related traditional practices remain active.

Sample size determination

The sample size for the study was determined using Cochran’s (1977) formula for large populations:

n = (Z²pq)/e²

Where:

n = required sample size

Z = standard normal deviate corresponding to the 95% confidence level (1.96)

p = estimated proportion of the population possessing the attribute of interest (0.50)

q = 1 − p (0.50)

e = margin of error (0.05)

Substituting the values into the formula:

n = [(1.96)² × 0.50 × 0.50]/(0.05) ²

n = [3.8416 × 0.25]/0.0025

n = 0.9604/0.0025

n = 384.16

Therefore, the minimum sample size required for the study was approximately 384 respondents. To improve representativeness and account for possible non-response, incomplete questionnaires, and sampling errors, the sample size was increased to 400 respondents.

Sampling procedure

A multistage sampling technique was employed for the selection of respondents. In the first stage, Abeokuta North and Abeokuta South Local Government Areas (LGAs) of Ogun State were purposively selected because they constitute the major Egba cultural zones and retain traditional environmental practices and Indigenous institutions associated with biodiversity conservation. In the second stage, four communities were purposively selected from each LGA based on the presence of sacred sites, traditional conservation practices, Indigenous ecological knowledge systems, and active traditional institutions. The selected communities in Abeokuta South were Ake, Ijemo, Itoko, and Ilogbo. At the same time, those in Abeokuta North were Ago Oko, Ikereku, Ago Ika, and Ago Owu, resulting in a total of eight study communities. In the third stage, respondents were stratified according to major socio-demographic and livelihood categories, including elders, youths, farmers, traders, hunters, herbalists, artisans, and other community members. This stratification ensured adequate representation of groups possessing varying levels of Indigenous ecological knowledge and experiences relating to biodiversity conservation. Thereafter, respondents were selected through simple random sampling within each stratum. The total sample size of 400 respondents was proportionately allocated across the eight selected communities, with 50 respondents selected from each community. This approach ensured fair representation and minimized sampling bias. Following questionnaire administration, 395 questionnaires were successfully retrieved, properly completed, and found suitable for analysis, representing a response rate of 98.8%. The high response rate increased the reliability and representativeness of the study findings.

Method of data collection

Primary data were collected using a semi-structured questionnaire developed following an extensive review of literature on Indigenous ecological knowledge, biocultural conservation, traditional governance systems, and human–nature relationships (Berkes, 2017; Gavin et al., 2015; Ormsby, 2012). The instrument was adapted from previously validated measures employed in studies investigating traditional ecological knowledge, sacred natural sites, Indigenous conservation practices, and environmental attitudes. The questionnaire consisted of sections addressing socio-demographic characteristics, Indigenous cultural practices, biodiversity perceptions, traditional governance systems, drivers of human–nature disconnection, and perceptions regarding biodiversity conservation. To improve contextual relevance, the draft questionnaire was reviewed by experts in wildlife management, environmental sociology, and conservation science. Suggestions relating to clarity, cultural appropriateness, and content coverage were incorporated before field administration. The questionnaire was administered in English and translated verbally into Yoruba where necessary to enhance respondents’ understanding and minimize response bias. Data collection was undertaken with the assistance of trained field assistants over a period of approximately one month.

Pilot testing, validity, and reliability

The questionnaire was pretested among 30 respondents drawn from an adjacent Egba community that was not included in the main study but shared similar socio-cultural characteristics with the target population. The pilot study was conducted to assess the clarity, relevance, appropriateness, and comprehensibility of the questionnaire items. Feedback obtained from the respondents led to minor revisions in the wording and syntax of selected items to enhance understanding and improve the quality of the instrument. Face and content validity were established through expert review involving three senior eco-sociologists and cultural resource specialists from the Federal University of Agriculture, Abeokuta. The experts assessed the extent to which the questionnaire items adequately represented the study objectives and constructs under investigation. Their recommendations were incorporated into the final version of the instrument. Internal consistency reliability was assessed using Cronbach’s alpha coefficient (α) based on the pilot responses. All coefficients exceeded the recommended threshold of 0.70, indicating that the instrument possessed adequate reliability for the main survey.

Data analysis

The data obtained were analyzed using the Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS) software. Descriptive statistics, including frequency counts, percentages, mean scores, and standard deviations, were used to summarize respondents’ socio-demographic characteristics, Indigenous cultural practices, environmental beliefs, and perceptions relating to biodiversity conservation. A Spearman correlation analysis was employed to examine relationships between respondents’ age and perceived abundance of selected biodiversity components within the study area. The Kruskal–Wallis H test, a non-parametric statistical test appropriate for ordinal data, was used to examine differences in respondents’ perceptions of the effectiveness of Indigenous conservation practices across age groups. The test was considered suitable because perception variables were measured using Likert-scale responses, and respondents were categorized into multiple independent age categories. Statistical significance was determined at Furthermore, multiple linear regression analysis was performed to assess factors influencing respondents’ beliefs regarding totemic species protection. Variables relating to human–nature relationships, ecological values, and Indigenous knowledge systems were entered into the regression model to determine their predictive influence on beliefs concerning the protection of culturally important species. Statistical significance for all inferential analyses was determined at .

Results

Socio-demographic profile of respondents in selected Egba communities, Southwestern Nigeria

The socio-demographic profile of respondents in Table 1 shows that 34.4% were aged 20–30 years, 18.5% were 31–40 years, 13.9% were 41–50 years, 12.2% were 51–60 years, 14.9% were above 60 years, while 6.1% were below 20 years. Males constituted 56.5% and females 43.5%. For marital status, 49.6% were married, 35.4% single, 9.4% widowed, and 5.6% divorced. Educational attainment showed that 42.0% had tertiary education, 33.2% had secondary education, 12.7% had no formal education, and 12.1% had primary education. Occupational distribution indicated that 27.9% were students, 22.3% traders, 21.8% civil servants, 10.9% farmers, 8.9% herbalists, 6.8% hunters, and less than 1% each for commercial motorcycle riders, fashion designers, hairdressers, and nurses. Religiously, 45.0% were Christians, 38.0% Muslims, and 17.0% practiced traditional religion. Length of residence showed that 44.0% had lived in the community for 11–20 years, 26.0% for 5–10 years, 17.0% for more than 20 years, and 13.0% for less than 5 years.

Table 1. Socio-demographic profile of respondents in selected Egba communities, southwestern nigeria.

Indigenous cultural practices and perceived roles in biodiversity conservation among Egba communities

Table 2 presents respondents’ perceptions of Indigenous cultural practices and their roles in biodiversity conservation among Egba communities. Traditional festivals emerged as the strongest cultural mechanism supporting biodiversity conservation (4.15 ± 1.02), highlighting their role in fostering collective responsibility and environmental awareness. Likewise, the high regard for sacred groves and forests (4.10 ± 0.96; 76.7% agreement) underscores their importance as culturally protected landscapes that serve as informal biodiversity refuges. Respondents also recognized the conservation value of rituals and sacrifices (4.09 ± 0.95), totemic species protection (4.05 ± 0.99), and folktales and proverbs (4.02 ± 0.96), reflecting the continued relevance of spiritual beliefs and oral traditions in promoting respect for nature and transmitting Indigenous ecological knowledge. Traditional hunters guided by customary rules were similarly perceived as contributing to sustainable resource use (3.92 ± 0.94). Although sacred days restricting farming and hunting received comparatively lower support (3.67 ± 0.93; 65.8% agreement), the overall positive perceptions suggest that Indigenous cultural practices remain valuable and relevant approaches to biodiversity stewardship among the Egba People.

Table 2. Indigenous cultural practices and perceived roles in biodiversity conservation among Egba communities.

Values are presented as frequency (percentage) and mean ± standard deviation (SD). Responses were rated on a five-point Likert scale: 5 = Strongly Agree (SA), 4 = Agree (A), 3 = Undecided (U), 2 = Disagree (D), and 1 = Strongly Disagree (SD).

Traditional conservation practices and environmental beliefs among Egba communities

As shown in Table 3a, respondents identified several sacred sites and totems that contribute to biodiversity conservation within Egba communities. Igbo Oro emerged as the most prominent sacred site, being mentioned by 44.6% of respondents, suggesting that culturally protected landscapes remain central to local conservation traditions and may function as informal biodiversity refugia. Other notable sacred sites included the Ogun River (14.2%) and Ogun Shrine Forest (12.4%), while River Shrines (7.1%) and Sacred Groves such as Oke Ado and Ogun Sacred Groves (4.1% each) further demonstrate the diversity of culturally significant areas through which communities maintain spiritual and ecological connections with their environment. The identification of Clan Lagoons associated with Flamingos (2.0%) and Sacred Trees such as the Iroko Tree (2.8%) highlights the role of totemic beliefs in fostering protective attitudes towards particular species and habitats.

Table 3a. Sacred natural sites and Totemic species identified by respondents.

Seasonal hunting was removed from this category because it represents a conservation practice rather than a sacred site or totem.

Table 3b indicates that cultural conservation rules remain actively enforced within the study communities. More than two-thirds of respondents reported that such rules are enforced often (45.6%) or always (26.1%), suggesting that customary institutions continue to regulate behaviours that may threaten biodiversity. Although some respondents perceived enforcement as rare (17.2%) or occasional (10.9%), only 0.3% indicated that these rules are never enforced, reflecting the persistence of Indigenous governance mechanisms despite ongoing socio-cultural change. Furthermore, findings presented in Table 3c reveal that traditional beliefs shape human–environment relationships primarily through protection enforced by taboos (25.8%) and fear of spiritual punishment (20.3%). Respondents also recognised the roles of traditional leaders (18.7%), restrictions on hunting and farming activities (18.2%), and folklore (17.0%) in promoting environmental responsibility and transmitting Indigenous ecological knowledge across generations. Finally, although reported by a smaller proportion of respondents, seasonal hunting restrictions (8.9%), as presented in Table 3d, demonstrate that Indigenous conservation extends beyond spiritual beliefs to include practical resource-management strategies aimed at regulating resource use and preventing overexploitation.

Table 3b. Enforcement of cultural conservation rules.

Table 3c. Influence of traditional beliefs on human–environment relationships.

Table 3d. Indigenous conservation practices identified by respondents.

Perceptions of indigenous knowledge and traditional conservation practices for biodiversity conservation among Egba communities

Table 4a shows generally positive perceptions of Indigenous knowledge and traditional conservation practices for biodiversity conservation among Egba communities, with mean scores ranging from 3.52 ± 1.03 to 4.12 ± 0.86. The highest-rated statement was that traditional conservation practices are still respected by community members (4.12 ± 0.86), with 86.4% agreement, indicating sustained adherence to traditional conservation norms. Respondents also strongly agreed that Indigenous knowledge is important for biodiversity protection (3.97 ± 0.88). Many participants perceived that the erosion of cultural values contributes to biodiversity decline (3.87 ± 0.96) and believed that traditional practices can be as effective as modern conservation methods (3.81 ± 1.04). Awareness that some traditional practices help conserve wildlife and forests was moderately high (3.63 ± 1.10), while perceptions of youths’ understanding and adherence to these practices were comparatively lower (3.52 ± 1.03), with a substantial proportion of respondents undecided.

Table 4a. Perceptions of indigenous knowledge and traditional conservation practices for biodiversity conservation among Egba communities (likert-scale responses).

Values are presented as frequency (percentage) and mean ± standard deviation (SD). Responses were rated on a five-point Likert scale: 5 = Strongly Agree (SA), 4 = Agree (A), 3 = Undecided (U), 2 = Disagree (D), and 1 = Strongly Disagree (SD).

Table 4b shows respondents perceived Indigenous cultural practices as complementary to modern conservation approaches. Community taboos and rules (17.5%) and the involvement of local chiefs and elders in conservation decision-making (17.22%) were the most frequently identified mechanisms, followed by rituals promoting respect for nature and the integration of traditional laws with formal conservation systems. Respect for ancestors (48.4%) and fear of spiritual sanctions (28.1%) emerged as the principal reasons cultural practices protect biodiversity, highlighting the strong cultural and spiritual foundations of conservation behaviour. Respondents also identified sustainable resource use, protection of sacred species, Indigenous ecological knowledge, environmental ethics, and enhanced community participation as major ways Indigenous knowledge can support contemporary biodiversity conservation effort.Traditional governance and enforcement of biodiversity conservation among Egba communities.

Table 4b. Perceptions of indigenous knowledge and traditional conservation practices for biodiversity conservation among Egba communities (open-ended responses).

Table 5a indicates generally positive perceptions of the role of traditional governance systems in biodiversity conservation among Egba communities, with mean scores ranging from 3.74 ± 1.09 to 3.98 ± 0.91. The highest-rated statement was the existence of customary laws that punish violations of conservation taboos (3.98 ± 0.91), followed closely by recognition of the role of hunters and herbalists in maintaining ecological balance (3.93 ± 0.89). Respondents also acknowledged the role of community elders in mediating conflicts over forest and wildlife resources (3.92 ± 1.14) and the cooperation of traditional institutions with government agencies on environmental matters (3.90 ± 1.06). Traditional rulers were perceived as important enforcers of cultural rules protecting natural resources (3.74 ± 1.09), although opinions were mixed regarding whether traditional leadership is losing influence in biodiversity management (3.76 ± 1.09).

Table 5a. Traditional governance and enforcement of biodiversity conservation among Egba communities (likert-scale responses).

Values are presented as frequency (percentage) and mean ± standard deviation (SD). Responses were rated on a five-point Likert scale: 5 = Strongly Agree (SA), 4 = Agree (A), 3 = Undecided (U), 2 = Disagree (D), and 1 = Strongly Disagree (SD).

Table 5b further shows that councils of chiefs (32.2%), hunters’ guilds (27.3%), and traditional rulers such as the Oba or Baale (21.5%) were the principal institutions enforcing biodiversity-related rules. Respondents identified the imposition of fines for unlawful exploitation of natural resources as the most common conservation strategy (47.3%), alongside restrictions on access to sacred groves and rituals reinforcing respect for nature. However, perceptions regarding punishment for violations of conservation taboos were mixed, with many respondents uncertain about the occurrence of such sanctions.

Table 5b. Traditional governance and enforcement of biodiversity conservation among Egba communities (open-ended responses).

Perceived relationship between indigenous cultural practices and biodiversity condition among Egba communities

Table 6a shows positive perceptions of the relationship between Indigenous cultural practices and biodiversity condition among Egba communities, with mean scores ranging from 3.68 ± 1.14 to 4.06 ± 1.03. The highest-rated perception was that the presence of taboo species reflects community cultural strength (4.06 ± 1.03), with 74.2% agreement. This was closely followed by the belief that declining adherence to traditional beliefs contributes to biodiversity loss (4.04 ± 0.96), as supported by 72.2% of respondents. Respondents also associated active sacred groves with healthier ecosystems (3.77 ± 1.12; 70.8% agreement) and agreed that observance of cultural taboos is linked to better forest conditions (3.68 ± 1.14; 66.8% agreement). In addition, 61.0% of respondents agreed that areas with strong cultural observance possess greater wildlife and tree species diversity (3.81 ± 0.99), although a considerable proportion remained undecided.

Table 6a. Perceived relationship between indigenous cultural practices and biodiversity condition among Egba communities (likert-scale responses).

Values are presented as frequency (percentage) and mean ± standard deviation (SD). Responses were rated on a five-point Likert scale: 5 = Strongly Agree (SA), 4 = Agree (A), 3 = Undecided (U), 2 = Disagree (D), and 1 = Strongly Disagree (SD).

Table 6b reveals mixed perceptions regarding biodiversity changes over the past 20 years. Traditional fruit trees such as African star apple and breadfruit recorded the greatest perceived decline (2.60 ± 1.39), with 54.7% of respondents reporting decreases in abundance. Native trees, including iroko and mahogany, were also perceived to have declined (2.73 ± 1.14), as indicated by 44.8% of respondents. Similarly, bush animals such as antelope and monkeys (2.76 ± 1.28) and pollinators such as bees and butterflies (2.98 ± 1.24) were widely perceived to be decreasing in abundance. In contrast, fish populations in the Ogun and Oyan Rivers (3.05 ± 1.14), medicinal plants (3.02 ± 1.16), sacred or heritage trees (3.02 ± 1.30), bird species (3.09 ± 1.13), and farmland wildlife such as squirrels and grasscutters (3.10 ± 1.22) were generally perceived to have experienced little change.Perceived socio-cultural, economic, and developmental factors influencing traditional ecological knowledge and human–nature relationship.

Table 6b. Perceived relationship between indigenous cultural practices and biodiversity condition among Egba communities (likert-scale responses).

Table 7a indicates strong perceptions that socio-cultural, economic, and developmental changes are weakening traditional ecological knowledge and human–nature relationships among Egba communities, with mean scores ranging from 3.69 ± 1.27 to 4.13 ± 0.97. The highest-rated factor was the lack of government recognition weakening traditional authority (4.13 ± 0.97), with 82.8% agreement. Respondents also strongly agreed that youths are becoming less interested in learning traditional conservation knowledge (4.09 ± 0.91; 84.6% agreement). They also perceived that migration and land development reduce access to sacred sites (4.03 ± 1.00) and that formal education systems pay insufficient attention to Indigenous environmental knowledge and traditional conservation practices (4.08 ± 1.08), while poverty and economic pressure were believed to encourage unsustainable exploitation of natural resources (4.05 ± 0.96; 82.0% agreement).

Table 7a. Perceived socio-cultural, economic, and developmental factors influencing traditional ecological knowledge and human–nature relationship (likert-scale responses).

Values are presented as frequency (percentage) and mean ± standard deviation (SD). Responses were rated on a five-point Likert scale: 5 = Strongly Agree (SA), 4 = Agree (A), 3 = Undecided (U), 2 = Disagree (D), and 1 = Strongly Disagree (SD).

Urbanization and modernization were widely viewed as eroding cultural values (3.87 ± 0.94), and respondents further indicated that efforts to document and transmit Indigenous environmental knowledge remain limited (3.93 ± 1.11). Although modern religion discouraging adherence to traditional beliefs recorded the lowest mean score (3.69 ± 1.27), 66.8% of respondents still agreed that it contributes to cultural change. Table 7b further shows that modernization and urbanization were perceived as the leading causes of People becoming disconnected from nature (27.3%), followed by declining cultural practices (24.1%) and economic pressure/resource exploitation (19.0%). Respondents also identified the influence of modern religions (16.2%) and technology and lifestyle changes (13.4%) as contributing factors.Perceived human–nature relationship, cultural meaning of nature, and indigenous ecological knowledge in local communities.

Table 7b. Perceived socio-cultural, economic, and developmental factors influencing traditional ecological knowledge and human–nature relationship (open-ended responses).

Table 8a presents respondents’ perceptions of the human–nature relationship, cultural meaning of nature, and Indigenous ecological knowledge in local communities. Overall, the findings demonstrate strong positive perceptions of human interconnectedness with nature and the importance of Indigenous ecological knowledge, with mean scores ranging from 4.14 ± 1.01 to 4.46 ± 0.80. The statement that Indigenous ecological knowledge should be taught to younger generations recorded the highest mean score (4.46 ± 0.80), with 92.6% of respondents expressing agreement, indicating strong support for the preservation and transmission of traditional environmental knowledge. Similarly, respondents strongly agreed that destroying forests or wildlife harms human wellbeing, as reflected by a mean score of 4.42 ± 0.84 and 92.4% agreement.

Table 8a. Perceived human–nature relationship, cultural meaning of nature, and indigenous ecological knowledge in local communities (likert-scale responses).

Values are presented as frequency (percentage) and mean ± standard deviation (SD). Responses were rated on a five-point Likert scale: 5 = Strongly Agree (SA), 4 = Agree (A), 3 = Undecided (U), 2 = Disagree (D), and 1 = Strongly Disagree (SD).

The belief that humans are part of nature and should live in harmony with it also received strong support, recording a mean score of 4.38 ± 0.87, with 90.1% of respondents agreeing. Modern lifestyles weakening People’s relationship with nature was another highly rated perception (4.19 ± 1.04), supported by 82.8% of respondents. Respondents further acknowledged that cultural beliefs help People feel connected to land and ecosystems, with a mean score of 4.17 ± 1.00 and 83.5% agreement. Likewise, sacred natural sites strengthening community identity and ecological responsibility recorded a mean score of 4.14 ± 1.01, also supported by 83.5% of respondents. These findings suggest strong recognition of the ecological and cultural importance of Indigenous knowledge systems and sacred landscapes.

Table 8b highlights respondents’ perceptions of the cultural and spiritual meaning of nature within their communities. The findings indicate that nature is primarily perceived as a source of livelihood, reported by 26.1% of respondents, emphasizing its importance for sustenance and daily living. Nature was also widely viewed as a sacred gift from ancestors (23.0%) and as an integral part of human existence (21.5%), reflecting strong cultural and spiritual attachments to the environment. Additionally, some respondents described nature as the home of spirits and deities (15.9%) or a place for rituals and worship (13.4%), demonstrating the continued spiritual significance of natural environments in Egba communities.

Table 8b. Perceived human–nature relationship, cultural meaning of nature, and indigenous ecological knowledge in local communities (open-ended responses).

Spearman’s rank matrix showing relationships between age and perceived abundance of selected biodiversity components

Table 9 presents the Spearman’s rank-order correlation matrix showing relationships between respondents’ age and perceived abundance of selected biodiversity components within Egba communities. Overall, the results indicate weak relationships between age and biodiversity perceptions, while stronger positive associations exist among the different biodiversity components. Age showed weak and mostly non-significant correlations with perceived abundance of biodiversity resources. However, significant negative relationships were observed between age and farmland wildlife (r = −0.103, p < 0.05) and traditional fruit trees (r = −0.220, p < 0.05), suggesting that older respondents were slightly more likely to perceive declines in these biodiversity components. No significant associations were observed between age and native trees, bush animals, fish in rivers, medicinal plants, bird species, sacred or heritage trees, or pollinators.

Table 9. Spearman rank correlation matrix showing relationships between age and perceived abundance of selected biodiversity components.

* indicates that the correlation is significant at the 0.05 level (p < 0.05); ** indicates that the correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (p < 0.01); and *** indicates that the correlation is significant at the 0.001 level (p < 0.001).

Strong positive and statistically significant relationships were observed among biodiversity components, indicating that perceptions of abundance tended to vary together. Bush animals showed a strong positive relationship with sacred/heritage trees (r = 0.660, p < 0.05), fish in rivers (r = 0.577, p < 0.05), medicinal plants (r = 0.517, p < 0.05), and farmland wildlife (r = 0.516, p < 0.05). Similarly, fish in rivers was positively correlated with medicinal plants (r = 0.556, p < 0.05), sacred/heritage trees (r = 0.545, p < 0.05), and farmland wildlife (r = 0.542, p < 0.05). Traditional fruit trees exhibited significant positive correlations with nearly all biodiversity components, particularly medicinal plants (r = 0.517, p < 0.05), native trees (r = 0.484, p < 0.05), fish in rivers (r = 0.476, p < 0.05), and sacred/heritage trees (r = 0.453, p < 0.05). Pollinators also demonstrated significant positive associations with bird species (r = 0.467, p < 0.05) and traditional fruit trees (r = 0.435, p < 0.05).

Kruskal–Wallis H test results for perceived effectiveness of traditional conservation practices and ecological knowledge

Table 10 presents the results of the Kruskal–Wallis H test examining differences in respondents’ perceptions of the effectiveness of traditional conservation practices across age groups among selected Egba communities. The findings revealed statistically significant differences across all traditional conservation practices examined, indicating that perceptions of Indigenous ecological knowledge and biodiversity conservation mechanisms varied significantly among respondents of different age categories. Traditional taboos protecting certain trees or animals recorded the highest H statistic (H = 73.5, p < 0.0001). Similarly, folktales and proverbs teaching respect for animals and forests demonstrated strong statistical significance (H = 64.1, p < 0.0001).

Table 10. Kruskal–Wallis H test comparing perceptions of traditional conservation practices across age groups among respondents in selected egba communities.

H statistics are Kruskal–Wallis test values. Statistical significance was evaluated at α = 0.05.

The perception that certain plant and animal species are regarded as totems and should not be harmed also differed significantly across age groups (H = 54.7, p < 0.0001), followed by rituals and sacrifices performed to seek blessings for land and wildlife (H = 47.8, p < 0.0001) and the protection of sacred groves and forests from exploitation (H = 45.5, p < 0.0001). Traditional festivals promoting harmony between People and nature similarly showed significant variation in perceptions among age groups (H = 43.7, p < 0.0001). Sacred days restricting farming or hunting activities also exhibited statistically significant age-related differences in perception (H = 22.4, p < 0.0001), although with relatively lower variation compared to other traditional practices. Likewise, perceptions regarding traditional hunters being guided by moral rules to prevent over-hunting recorded the lowest H statistic (H = 19.1, p = 0.0003), but remained statistically significant.

Multiple linear regression analysis of factors influencing belief in totemic species protection in the study area

Table 11 presents the results of the multiple linear regression analysis examining factors influencing belief in totemic species protection among respondents in the study area. The dependent variable was the perception that some species of plants and animals are regarded as totems and should not be harmed. The regression results indicate that most explanatory variables did not significantly predict belief in totemic species protection. Specifically, the perception that humans are part of nature and should live in harmony with it showed a positive but non-significant influence (β = 0.433, p = 0.117). Likewise, the belief that modern lifestyles are weakening People’s relationship with nature demonstrated a positive but statistically non-significant association (β = 0.395, p = 0.093).

Table 11. Multiple linear regression analysis of factors influencing belief in totemic species protection in the study area.

A Dependent Variable: Some species of plants and animals are regarded as totems and must not be harmed. Statistical significance was assessed at α = 0.05.

Other variables, including the perception that destroying forests or wildlife harms human wellbeing (β = −0.002, p = 0.994), sacred natural sites strengthening community identity and ecological responsibility (β = 0.079, p = 0.806), and cultural beliefs helping People feel connected to land and ecosystems (β = −0.094, p = 0.790), were not statistically significant predictors of belief in totemic species protection. However, the perception that Indigenous ecological knowledge should be taught to younger generations emerged as the only statistically significant predictor (β = −0.803, t = −3.814, p < 0.001). This result suggests a significant relationship between support for intergenerational transfer of Indigenous ecological knowledge and beliefs regarding the protection of totemic species.

Discussion

The findings of this study demonstrate that the Egba People are inseparable and intrinsic components of the natural ecological systems within their communities. The results further reveal that their Indigenous cultural values and traditional ecological knowledge remain fundamental to biodiversity conservation across the sampled Egba communities. The strong recognition of sacred groves, taboos, rituals, festivals, totemic species protection, and customary environmental ethics among both female and male respondents reflects the enduring influence of Indigenous belief systems on human–nature relationships. These observations are consistent with growing global evidence demonstrating that Indigenous and local knowledge systems contribute significantly to biodiversity conservation, ecosystem stewardship, and sustainable natural resource governance, particularly in regions where formal conservation institutions are limited or weak (IPBES, 2019; Berkes, 2017; Ens et al., 2015). The high level of agreement regarding the ecological importance of sacred groves and culturally protected landscapes supports previous studies demonstrating that sacred natural sites, although delineated and managed by humans, function as informal biodiversity refugia. This finding further underscores that Indigenous Peoples have long been integral components of ecological systems, maintaining biodiversity through culturally embedded conservation practices long before the introduction of Western conservation paradigms. Sacred forests across Africa have been shown to preserve remnant vegetation, maintain habitat connectivity, and protect endemic or threatened species through culturally managed restrictions on exploitation (Dudley et al., 2009; Sinthumule, 2024). Within Yoruba societies, sacred groves traditionally serve not only spiritual functions but also ecological roles by limiting indiscriminate logging, hunting, and land conversion (Adeyemi and Oyinloye, 2020). The continued relevance of sacred sites such as Igbo Oro and river shrines in the present study, therefore, highlights the conservation value of culturally embedded environmental governance systems.

The strong perception that festivals, rituals, folktales, and proverbs promote respect for nature further illustrates the effectiveness of Indigenous cultural transmission in shaping environmental behaviour (Alabi et al., 2018). Oral traditions have long served as mechanisms for transmitting ecological ethics, resource-use norms, and intergenerational environmental knowledge within African societies (Berkes, 2017). Similar findings have been reported among several Indigenous communities where storytelling and symbolic cultural practices reinforce sustainable interactions with forests, wildlife, and water bodies (Ens et al., 2015; Fernández-Llamazares et al., 2021). The importance attached to folklore and moral teachings in this study suggests that the Indigenous People of Egba communities are not intruders but central to the region’s ecological systems from time immemorial, as Indigenous cultural narratives continue to influence perceptions of ecological responsibility even as the society changes. This reaffirms the urgent need to prioritize creating more support that would help reinforce adherence to these biocultural approaches, since they have proven to be consistent over time. Respondents’ positive perceptions of traditional taboos and restrictions on resource use are consistent with previous studies showing that culturally regulated prohibitions can reduce the overexploitation of biodiversity resources. These findings reinforce the view that the Indigenous Egba People are indispensable components of the ecosystem, as their cultural practices contribute to maintaining ecological integrity and supporting the overall well-being of the ecosystem. Traditional taboos often regulate hunting seasons, restrict harvesting of certain species, and control access to ecologically sensitive areas, thereby contributing to ecosystem resilience (Colding and Folke, 2001; Jimoh et al., 2012). In many Indigenous African societies, fear of spiritual sanctions and respect for ancestral authority act as informal enforcement mechanisms that encourage compliance with conservation norms (Nyamekye, 2014). The present findings reinforce the argument that the cultural conservation pathways developed by the Indigenous Egba People are intrinsically linked to the conservation of the regional ecosystem. Rather than existing as separate systems, Indigenous cultural practices constitute an integral component of biodiversity conservation. Consequently, re-establishing and strengthening the relationship between the Egba People and their regional ecosystem should be prioritized, as this connection is fundamental to achieving successful biodiversity conservation within Egba communities.

The reported importance of customary laws, councils of chiefs, hunters’ guilds, and traditional rulers in biodiversity governance further supports the relevance of Indigenous institutions in environmental management. Traditional governance systems often provide locally legitimate mechanisms for regulating natural resource access, conflict resolution, and collective environmental responsibility (Ayana et al., 2018). The role of community elders and traditional authorities identified in this study corresponds with findings from other African contexts where customary institutions continue to mediate conservation practices despite increasing modernization pressures (Kideghesho, 2009). However, the uncertainty expressed by some respondents regarding the consistency of enforcement suggests that the authority of traditional institutions may be weakening under socio-economic and political transformations. The study also revealed widespread concern regarding the erosion of Indigenous ecological knowledge and declining adherence to cultural conservation practices among younger generations (18-40 years). This finding reflects broader global concerns about the gradual loss of Indigenous knowledge systems due to urbanization, formal education systems detached from local culture, migration, and globalization (IPBES, 2019; Reyes-García et al., 2019). Similar observations have been documented across sub-Saharan Africa, where modernization and changing lifestyles increasingly disrupt traditional ecological learning pathways (Adom, 2018). The comparatively lower confidence in youths’ understanding of traditional conservation practices in this study suggests potential intergenerational discontinuity in Indigenous environmental knowledge transmission.

The perception that modernization, land development, economic pressures, and changing religious orientations contribute to human disconnection from nature further reflects ongoing socio-cultural transformations affecting traditional conservation systems. Urban expansion and commercialization frequently reduce access to sacred forests, communal lands, and culturally important ecosystems, thereby weakening traditional ecological relationships (McElwee et al., 2020). In addition, the expansion of dominant religious ideologies sometimes discourages participation in Indigenous spiritual practices associated with environmental stewardship (Nyamekye, 2014). The present findings therefore support arguments that cultural erosion can indirectly accelerate biodiversity decline by undermining traditional norms that previously regulated resource use. Respondents’ strong agreement that humans are part of nature and that environmental destruction threatens human wellbeing demonstrates the persistence of relational environmental worldviews within Egba communities. Indigenous cosmologies generally conceptualize humans, nature, ancestors, and spiritual forces as interconnected components of a shared ecological system (Berkes, 2017). Such perspectives contrast with purely utilitarian approaches to natural resource management and often promote reciprocal environmental ethics. The recognition of nature as both a livelihood source and a sacred ancestral heritage in this study illustrates the multidimensional cultural meanings attached to ecosystems within Indigenous societies.

Perceived declines in traditional fruit trees, native tree species, bush animals, and pollinators suggest growing ecological concerns within the study area. Similar biodiversity declines have been linked to habitat fragmentation, agricultural intensification, urbanization, deforestation, and unsustainable exploitation across tropical ecosystems (IPBES, 2019; WWF, 2022). The decline of culturally important species may also weaken traditional ecological practices because many Indigenous conservation systems are closely tied to the continued existence of sacred species and culturally valued landscapes. The interconnected correlations observed among biodiversity components further support ecological evidence that disturbances affecting one component of an ecosystem often influence broader ecological relationships and ecosystem functioning. The significant variations observed in perceptions of traditional conservation practices indicate that respondents differ in their evaluation of the effectiveness of specific Indigenous mechanisms. Practices such as taboos, folktales, sacred groves, and totemic species protection received particularly strong recognition, suggesting that symbolic and culturally embedded practices remain highly valued conservation tools. This supports assertions that conservation effectiveness is strengthened when environmental regulations are socially legitimate and culturally meaningful to local communities (Pretty et al., 2009). An important finding of this study is that support for intergenerational transfer of Indigenous ecological knowledge significantly influenced beliefs regarding totemic species protection. This suggests that knowledge continuity may be central to sustaining Indigenous conservation ethics. Indigenous ecological knowledge is cumulative and adaptive, developing through long-term interactions between communities and ecosystems (Obiora and Emeka, 2015). Consequently, weakening knowledge transmission may undermine the cultural foundations supporting biodiversity conservation. Integrating Indigenous ecological knowledge into formal education, community-based conservation programs, and environmental policy frameworks may therefore enhance both cultural preservation and biodiversity protection.

Although this study did not explicitly distinguish the meanings constructed by women and men regarding the various biocultural elements identified in this study, the gender-disaggregated responses revealed no substantial divergence, suggesting that the contributions of neither gender supersede those of the other. This finding may partly reflect the limitation of the survey questionnaire, which was not designed to capture gender-based differences in the interpretation or application of biocultural approaches. Consequently, women’s understanding and application of biocultural approaches may have implications for biodiversity conservation in Nigeria comparable to those of men. This is particularly important given documented limitations in women’s access to certain biocultural approaches and the predominance of studies emphasizing men’s roles (Agarwal, 2010). Nevertheless, women, especially elder women and grandmothers, have traditionally served as custodians of medicinal plant knowledge, household biodiversity management, and the intergenerational transmission of cultural and ecological knowledge within Yoruba communities (Esiobu, 2021; Opesemowo, 2025). In Southwestern Nigeria, they also identify, harvest, prepare, and sustainably use medicinal plants for household healthcare while preserving Indigenous ecological knowledge through oral traditions, storytelling, mentorship, and experiential learning (Aluede and Okakah, 2022; Rafiu et al., 2025). Although these roles were only indirectly reflected in the present study, the inclusion of both female and male respondents strengthens the validity of the findings and underscores women’s participation in biocultural approaches to environmental management.

Theoretical implications

The findings of this study provide strong theoretical support for the Biocultural Approach by demonstrating that biodiversity conservation within Egba communities is embedded in an interconnected system of ecological resources, cultural beliefs, Indigenous institutions, and traditional ecological knowledge. Biocultural theory argues that biological diversity and cultural diversity are not independent phenomena but rather co-evolving systems in which ecological sustainability depends upon the maintenance of culturally embedded relationships between People and nature (Maffi, 2005; Berkes, 2017). The present findings reinforce this proposition by showing that sacred groves, taboos, festivals, customary laws, totemic species protection, and Indigenous environmental ethics function collectively as biocultural resources that simultaneously preserve ecological integrity and cultural identity. The study extends biocultural theory by demonstrating that Indigenous conservation practices are not isolated environmental management tools but interconnected cultural institutions that shape ecological behavior through shared values, moral obligations, spiritual beliefs, and community governance. The strong recognition of sacred natural sites and culturally protected landscapes by both males and females suggests that conservation effectiveness arises not only from ecological regulations but also from the cultural legitimacy and social acceptance of conservation norms (Zannini et al., 2021; Avtzis et al., 2018). This supports the biocultural argument that long-term biodiversity conservation is strengthened when ecological stewardship is rooted in locally meaningful cultural practices rather than relying exclusively on externally imposed regulatory frameworks.

Furthermore, the findings concerning the erosion of Indigenous ecological knowledge among younger generations refine the theoretical understanding of biocultural resilience by identifying intergenerational knowledge transmission, especially the role of women, since they are often the closest to the younger ones, and how they propagate the knowledge system as a critical mechanism linking cultural continuity with biodiversity conservation. Biocultural approaches emphasize that traditional ecological knowledge represents accumulated adaptive knowledge developed through continuous interaction between communities and ecosystems (Berkes, 2017). The observed decline in youth engagement, therefore, suggests that biodiversity loss may be accompanied by cultural erosion, while the weakening of cultural knowledge may, in turn, reduce the effectiveness of Indigenous conservation institutions. This reciprocal relationship reinforces the theoretical proposition that biological and cultural diversity experience parallel trajectories of persistence or decline (Sterling et al., 2017). The finding that respondents perceive humans as inseparable from nature further supports the relational worldview that underpins biocultural theory. Unlike anthropocentric conservation models that conceptualize nature primarily as a resource for human use, the Egba worldview reflects reciprocal relationships between humans, biodiversity, ancestors, and spiritual values. Such relational perspectives expand theoretical discussions by illustrating how Indigenous ontologies contribute to environmental stewardship through ethical obligations rather than solely through economic incentives or legal enforcement (Muller et al., 2019; Brondizio et al., 2021).

The study also contributes to the growing biocultural conservation literature by demonstrating that modernization, urbanization, changing religious orientations, and land-use transformation threaten both ecological resources and the cultural institutions responsible for protecting them (Berkes, 2012; Bhagwat and Rutte, 2006; Negi, 2010). These findings suggest that biodiversity decline cannot be fully understood without simultaneously examining the erosion of cultural practices, Indigenous governance systems, and traditional ecological knowledge. Consequently, the study advances biocultural theory by highlighting that conservation policies focusing exclusively on ecological restoration may achieve limited success if they fail to preserve the cultural systems that sustain long-term environmental stewardship. Overall, this study strengthens the theoretical proposition that biodiversity conservation should be conceptualized as a socio-ecological and cultural process rather than solely as a biological one. It provides empirical evidence from Southwestern Nigeria that effective conservation depends upon maintaining biocultural resources, including Indigenous knowledge systems, customary governance, sacred landscapes, cultural values, and intergenerational knowledge transmission. In doing so, the study extends the application of the Biocultural Approach to Yoruba Indigenous communities and contributes empirical evidence from West Africa to a body of literature that has been dominated by studies from Latin America, Oceania, and parts of Asia.

Practical implications

This study demonstrates that Indigenous cultural values, traditional ecological knowledge, and customary governance systems are a part of and remain fundamental to biodiversity conservation among Egba communities in Southwestern Nigeria. Sacred groves, taboos, totemic species protection, oral traditions, rituals, and culturally embedded environmental ethics continue to shape local perceptions of human–nature relationships and influence conservation behavior. The findings further reveal that Indigenous institutions such as traditional rulers, councils of chiefs, hunters’ guilds, and community elders still play important roles in regulating access to natural resources and reinforcing ecological responsibility within local communities. Hence, given the documented importance of restoring the Egba People’s relationship with their natural environment as an integral component of regional ecosystem wellbeing, government agencies, conservation organizations, and educational institutions should collaborate with traditional leaders and local communities to document, preserve, and integrate Indigenous ecological knowledge into formal biodiversity conservation policies and environmental education programs. In addition, community-based conservation initiatives that protect sacred groves, culturally important species, and traditional governance systems should be strengthened to enhance ecological sustainability and promote intergenerational transmission of Indigenous environmental values.

Limitations and future research

This study has several limitations that should be acknowledged. First, the cross-sectional design captured respondents’ perceptions at a single point in time and therefore limits causal interpretation of the observed relationships. Second, assessments of biodiversity trends relied largely on respondents’ recollections and perceptions, making the findings susceptible to recall bias. Third, the use of perception-based measures may not fully reflect actual ecological conditions in the study area. Fourth, this study acknowledges that its original design did not prioritize gender-disaggregated analyses, which represents an important limitation. Finally, because the study focused on selected Egba communities in Ogun State, the findings may not be readily generalizable to other Indigenous populations with differing socio-cultural contexts. Despite these limitations, the study provides important quantitative insights into the contemporary role of Indigenous cultural systems in biodiversity conservation within Southwestern Nigeria. Although age-related differences were examined in this study, the survey instrument did not specifically collect detailed information on the mechanisms through which Indigenous ecological knowledge is transmitted across generations. Consequently, interpretations regarding youth engagement and intergenerational knowledge transfer should be viewed within the context of respondents’ perceptions, which would benefit strongly from the deployment of a mixed-method study, that is, the inclusion of a qualitative design aspect to the present study. Future studies should investigate generational pathways of knowledge transmission using more detailed age-specific and longitudinal approaches. In addition, gender-inclusive approaches should be adopted that explicitly examine women’s ecological expertise, their access to sacred natural sites, and their roles in household-level biodiversity management.

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Footnotes

Edited by: Jamie K. Reaser, Rain Crow Consulting, United States

Reviewed by: Scott Jones, Oslo New University College, Norway

Mulatu Osie, Wachemo University, Ethiopia