Neolithic coastal adaptation and resilience in relation to environmental dynamics during the early Holocene in the Eastern Mediterranean

1 Introduction

The Neolithic period represents a transformative epoch in human history, marking the establishment of new sedentary lifestyle, grounded in the domestication of plants and animals. The Neolithic period in Southwest Asia, thought to have started around 11,500 BP, is considered as a phase within a long process rooted in the Epipalaeolithic period that went beyond a merely subsistence change. The broader process of ‘Neolithization' laid the foundation for wide-ranging cultural and technological innovations, including new architectural forms, toolkits, social structures, and symbolic behaviors (Bar-Yosef, 2011; Goring-Morris and Belfer-Cohen, 2011; Zeder, 2009). These changes first emerged in the core zone of the Fertile Crescent and gradually radiated outward, shaping the trajectory of subsequent human societies in Europe, Africa and beyond.

One of the principal conduits for this Neolithic expansion was the Mediterranean coastline. While there is evidence for sporadic sea crossings that dates back to the Paleolithic (Ammerman, 2010; Bednarik, 2003; Carter et al., 2019; Cherry and Leppard, 2025; Papoulia, 2017; Scerri et al., 2025; Simmons, 2014), the earliest example of Neolithic seafaring is associated with the introduction of animals and plants into Cyprus during the 11^th millennium BP, now dated to the Pre-Pottery Neolithic A and B (PPNA and PPNB) (Manning et al., 2010; Peltenburg et al., 2001; Vigne et al., 2012). The coast provided not only a hospitable environment with rich ecological niches but also a natural corridor facilitating the dispersal of peoples, practices and ideas from the Levant into Cyprus, Anatolia, the Aegean, North Africa and southern Europe (Broodbank, 2013, p. 148–201, 2006; Galili et al., 2004a; Isern et al., 2017; Zilhão, 2001). Maritime connectivity and coastal mobility played a pivotal role in this process allowing Neolithic communities to adapt to and exploit littoral environments efficiently, thereby promoting both demographic and cultural diffusion (Broodbank, 2006; Galili et al., 2020; Leppard, 2022; Simmons, 2014; Vigne et al., 2012).

Paradoxically, while coastal zones played a crucial role in the dissemination of Neolithic lifeways, the societies inhabiting these areas remain underrepresented in the archaeological record (Ammerman, 2014; Friesem et al., 2022). This discrepancy is not due to their absence or marginality but rather stems from the dramatic environmental transformations of the coastal areas during the early Holocene. At the time of the Last Glacial Maximum (LGM), global sea level was at about 120-135 meters below current sea level, and as the climate started to warm up at the end of the LGM, sea level started to rise in different rates in the last 20,000 years (Rohling et al., 2014; Spratt and Lisiecki, 2015). This process resulted in the submergence of vast tracts of coastal land including the very sites once occupied by Neolithic populations (Bailey and Flemming, 2008; Benjamin et al., 2017; Galili et al., 2005). Consequently, our understanding of early coastal Neolithic communities is fragmented, as many potential sites are now submerged, making their discovery and study highly challenging and often inaccessible.

In addition to sea-level rise, early Holocene coastal zones were subject to significant geomorphological transformations. These included the formation and disappearance of wetlands, the transgression and transgression of shorelines, fluctuations in freshwater availability, processes of salinization affecting both soils and aquifers and other geomorphological changes to the coastal landscape (Cohen-Seffer et al., 2005; Kadosh et al., 2004; Shtienberg et al., 2022a, 2020; Sivan et al., 2016, 2011). Such changes would have posed considerable challenges to Neolithic societies requiring flexible subsistence strategies, resilient settlement patterns and adaptive responses in technology and social organization. Nevertheless, due to the limited number of well-documented submerged sites, empirical data to test these hypotheses remain scarce.

An important exception is found along the Carmel Coast of the Southern Levant. This region stands out for its combination of submerged Neolithic settlements and detailed paleoenvironmental reconstructions offering a rare window into the lives of coastal communities during a period of profound environmental change (Galili et al., 2020, 2019, 2005; Nickelsberg et al., 2024a; Shtienberg et al., 2022a, 2020).

The aim of this paper is to review and synthesize the archaeological and paleoenvironmental evidence from the Carmel Coast during the early Holocene, with a focus on the strategies of adaptation and resilience employed by Neolithic coastal societies. By situating this regional case within the broader context of early Holocene environmental dynamics and Neolithic expansion, the paper seeks to critically evaluate the interplay between human agency and environmental transformation, and to test how shifting coastal conditions influenced the settlement patterns, subsistence practices and cultural trajectories of some of the earliest farming communities inhabiting the land-sea interface.

2 The submerged neolithic record at the carmel coast

Along the Eastern Mediterranean, defined here as including modern-day Greece and Egypt to the west and the Levantine coast to the east (Figure 1a), only a few sites can be considered Neolithic coastal settlements. Dated to the late PPNB to PPNC (c. late 10^th-9^th millennium BP), are the submerged site of Atlit-Yam off the Carmel Coast of northern Israel (Figure 1b; Galili et al., 1993), Ashkelon in southern Israel (Garfinkel, 1999; Perrot and Gopher, 1996), and potentially terrestrial coastal sites such as Ras Shamra in Syria (Helmer, 1989) and Mersin-Yumuktepe in Turkey (Caneva and Sevin, 2004). The current-day coastal PPN sites in Cyprus (e.g., Kilmonas, Kalavasos Tenta, Shillourokambos, Mylouthkia, and Akanthou-Arkosykos) were located further inland at the time, not directly on the early Holocene coast, which is now submerged under the sea (Clarke and Wasse, 2019; Guilaine et al., 2000; Peltenburg et al., 2001). Neolithic coastal sites in Greece, such as Agios Petros Franchthi Cave, Mani peninsula, were dated to Early and Middle Neolithic (8^th-7^th millennium BP) (Galanidou et al., 2020). At the Carmel Coast (Figure 1b), alongside the early Neolithic settlement at Atlit-Yam, later Pottery Neolithic sites date between the 9^th and 7^th millennia BP (Galili et al., 2020; Nickelsberg et al., 2024a). Overall, approximately 19 Neolithic sites have been reported to date from the Carmel Coast, spanning only 20 km (see Figure 1b) and comprising several large settlement sites, as well as sites characterized by a few concentrations of artifacts (Galili et al., 2020, 2017b, 2013). This position on the Carmel Coast provides a unique context for the archaeological preservation of Neolithic coastal sites. One of the remarkable features of these Carmel Coast settlements is how the sites form both a chronological and a geographical transect: the oldest occupation at Atlit-Yam is approximately 12-8 meters below the present mean sea level (PMSL), while younger sites are located at 0.5 m below PMSL, indicating a retreat eastward, away from the sea, in response to the transgressing shoreline and inundation of the coast (Galili et al., 2020, 2017b).

Atlit-Yam, dating to the mid PPNB and mostly to the PPNC (ca. 9,600–8,400 cal. BP) (Galili et al., 2020; Ogloblin Ramirez et al., 2023), is one of the earliest known and well-preserved submerged coastal permanent settlement in the globe. The site reveals a sedentary village characterized by an agro-pastoral and marine-based subsistence economy. Significant discoveries include rectangular dwellings made of stone foundation with mud bricks walls, as well as large stone pavements, rounded pits, wooden poles, hearths and combustion features, a central well (the earliest known stone-lined water well), multiple burials (some in cist graves), and megalithic features possibly associated with communal rituals water well, (Galili et al., 2020, 2017b; Galili and Nir, 1993; Ogloblin Ramírez et al., 2020). Notably, one of the human skeletal remains exhibits signs of the earliest known case of tuberculosis, making it one of the oldest pieces of evidence for this disease in humans (Hershkovitz et al., 2008). Material remains indicate an integrated marine-terrestrial subsistence strategy that included plant gathering and crop cultivation (e.g., cereals, legumes) in addition to hunting and husbandry of domesticated animals (e.g., sheep, goats, cattle, pigs and dogs), and alongside fishing for a broad spectrum of species (Galili et al., 2004a,b; Greenfield et al., 2016; Hartmann-Shenkman et al., 2015). Stone tools, basketry, and wooden objects demonstrate a diversified technology and economy, as well as excellent organic preservation due to rapid inundation and burial by marine sediments (Galili et al., 2020, 2017a).

Later sites on the Carmel Coast mostly date to the late Pottery Neolithic period (Wadi Rabah culture), with a few exceptions for finds associated with the early Pottery Neolithic period (Galili et al., 2017b). Among the early Pottery Neolithic record, the only site to present architecture is Habonim North dating to the 9^th millennium BP (8,000–7,300 cal. BP) (Nickelsberg et al., 2024a). The site features several curvilinear stone walls and round installations associated with stone tools, including an incised basalt mace head and pottery from the Yarmukian or Jericho IX cultures. Botanical and faunal remains indicate an integrated agro-pastoral economy with evidence for both domesticated species (cereals, lentils and caprine) and wild plants and animals (deer, gazelle and boar) (Nickelsberg et al., 2024a).

Within the Late Pottery Neolithic Wadi Rabah culture (c. 7,600-6,500 cal. BP), several permanent coastal sites were discovered along the Carmel Coast, including industrial sites nearby. Kfar Samir is a large site dating to ca. 8,000-6,500 cal. BP, extending across three sectors (north, central, south) between the modern shoreline and ~200 meters offshore. It is most renowned for its well-preserved stone and wood-lined water well, indicating advanced water management (Galili et al., 2018). The site yielded paved floors, hearths, pits, wooden artifacts (including bowls and forks), coiled basketry and straw mats. Notably, one pit contained thousands of crushed olive stones and pulp – a direct evidence for early olive oil production (Galili et al., 2021, 2018, 2017b, 1997). The combination of architectural, botanical and organic material highlights a complex, sedentary community engaging in fishing, farming and craft activities, and in particular olive oil extraction. Tel Hreiz site is dated to the same period with dates ranging within 7,500-7,000 cal. BP. It stands out for containing known evidence for a human-made coastal defense structure – a boulder-built seawall over 100 meters long. This feature, composed of large non-local stones, was interpreted by archaeologists to have been built to protect the village from sea-level rise and coastal erosion (Galili et al., 2019). Located just offshore at a depth of ~3 meters below PMSL, the site also includes architectural remnants, faunal and human remains and stone-built installations (Galili et al., 2019, 2017b). Last, the Neve-Yam settlement site generated similar dates covering the second half of the 8th millennium BP, but situated about 0.5-1 meter below PMSL. It revealed rectangular house stone foundations, hearths, postholes, and a variety of material culture, including flint tools, bone artifacts, pottery, and faunal remains. Subsistence evidence suggests a mixed economy comprising herding (mainly sheep, goats, and cattle), agriculture (cereals and legumes), and limited fishing and hunting (Galili et al., 2017b; Greenfield et al., 2006; Horwitz et al., 2002). Neve-Yam is also notable for a clear spatial separation between habitation and burial zones, perceived as a significant departure from earlier Neolithic traditions displaying a spatial change in social organization in the Southern Levant an early example for a spatial change in social organization in the Southern Levant (Galili et al., 2017b, 2009). The graves, concentrated in a separate area, are oval and constructed from undressed stones, some covered with slabs. Alongside stone tools and pottery, several imagery items (e.g., figurines of stone and bone, and pottery decoration) were reported from the site (Galili et al., 2017b).

The archaeological evidence from the submerged Neolithic sites along the Carmel Coast reveals a rich and varied record of early coastal life marked by innovation, continuity and transformation. These sites highlight the potential to study how communities organized their lifeways in relation to their surroundings, laying the groundwork for examining their responses to environmental stress and change.

3 Environmental dynamics along the carmel coast

To better understand the environmental challenges faced by Neolithic coastal societies and the adaptive strategies they likely employed, we examine the prevailing coastal geomorphic and paleoenvironmental conditions along the Carmel coast (Figure 1b) during the early Holocene. This region underwent substantial transformations between the early and mid-Holocene (approximately 11,700-7,000 BP), primarily driven by global warming, subsequent eustatic sea-level rise, sediment deposition patterns, complex interactions among marine transgressions, shifts in groundwater, and extreme episodic events. Together, these dynamic processes are believed to have significantly impacted the environmental conditions that Neolithic coastal communities confronted.

Following the Last Glacial Maximum (LGM; ca. 20,000 BP), sea level along the Carmel coast (Figure 1b) was approximately 120 m lower than at present, positioning the shoreline west of the present continental shelf edge ca. 10 km seaward of its current location (Figure 1b; Schattner et al., 2010). The intensified melting of global ice sheets, driven by increased solar insolation and postglacial warming, accelerated deglaciation and triggered rapid marine transgression across global paleo-coastlines. Based on archaeological finds, its estimated that the Mediterranean sea-level rose significantly, with rates of 12-14 mm per year around 9,600-8,000 BP, before slowing to approximately 2-4 mm per year after 7,000 BP (Benjamin et al., 2017; Galili et al., 2019; Sivan et al., 2004b). This transgression shifted the shoreline from roughly 30 m to approximately 7 m below PMSL (Figure 2). Offshore bathymetric and seismic surveys along the north-central coast of Israel document a transgressive sequence, characterized by submerged ridges, paleo-channels, and drowned valleys (Goff et al., 2018; Schattner et al., 2010; Shtienberg et al., 2022b, 2016). Concurrently, terrestrial cores and stratigraphic sections from coastal sites, such as Hadera (Shtienberg et al., 2017), Caesarea (Roskin et al., 2015), Tel Dor (Kadosh et al., 2004; Shtienberg et al., 2022a; Sivan et al., 2004a) and Neve-Yam (Shtienberg et al., in preparation), elucidate a complex depositional sequence marked by alternating facies indicative of terrestrial, fluvial, wetland, beach, and aeolian environments (see Figure 1c).

The early Holocene at the Carmel coast coincides with the African Humid Period (Cheddadi et al., 2021) during which enhanced precipitation in the north-central coast of Israel of up to 130 % relative to present (Bar-Matthews et al., 2019, 2003) and increased regional humidity (Goldsmith et al., 2023; Grant et al., 2016) contributed to the expansion of wetlands and the development of brackish coastal environments along the southeastern Mediterranean margin (Elyashiv et al., 2016; Sivan et al., 2011, 2004a). The early Holocene sea-level rise affected the hydrology of the Carmel region by elevating the coastal paleo-aquifer and inundating low-lying paleolandscapes, which in turn triggered the backflooding of coastal drainage networks (Swarzenski et al., 2006; Weinstein et al., 2021). This process facilitated the formation of semi-enclosed lagoonal and marsh systems in geomorphic depressions and embayment such as those at Alexander Stream, Hadera, Tel Dor, and Neve-Yam Atlit (Figure 2). Sedimentological, geochemical, and microfaunal evidence extracted from core data confirms the sustained presence of brackish low-energy water bodies during this interval, marked by pyrite, peat, and clay-rich deposits indicative of organic-rich brackish oxygen-poor wetlands and lagoons (Kadosh et al., 2004; Shtienberg et al., 2022b, 2017, in preparation; Sivan et al., 2011, 2004a). The marine transgression displacement of the freshwater lens and resulting saline increase is hypothesized to have amplified soil salinity and thereby decreased its fertility.

A defining component of coastal landscape evolution during this interval is the initial deposition of quartz-rich and bioclastic sand (Roskin et al., 2015; Shtienberg et al., in preparation). The quartz sand originated predominantly from the erosion of the Nile Delta and was then transported northward by longshore currents (Zviely et al., 2007, 2006) (See Figure 1a). Wave-washed sand has reached the Carmel coast continuously since the Last Glacial Maximum; however, substantial deposition and the development of the modern sand-rich coastline were delayed. During the early Holocene, the paleo-shoreline was situated several kilometers offshore, limiting nearshore sediment accumulation. Additionally, the rapid sea-level rise and transgressing shoreline inhibited sustained sand deposition, preventing the formation of stable coastal features until relative sea-level rise began to decelerate. As the rate of sea-level rise slowed after ca. 7,500 BP, coastal barrier systems along the Israeli coastline began to stabilize, enabling the accumulation of quartz and bioclastic sands (Bookman et al., 2021). This shift facilitated the transformation of stream mouths into protected embayments, where increased sediment input allowed for sand deposition over earlier wetland and fluvial surfaces and the gradual development of a stable coastal landscape (Figure 2) (Shtienberg et al., 2022a).

Tsunamigenic potential in the Southern Levant primarily originates from seismic activity along major fault systems, such as the Dead Sea Transform Fault (DSTF), and from submarine landslides on the continental slope. The occurrence of submarine slope failures, such as the Dor and Goliath slides, has been closely correlated with periods of rapid sea-level rise, particularly during intervals associated with Meltwater Pulses 1A and 1C, which destabilized slopes by enhancing sedimentation rates and pore-water pressures on continental margins (Elad et al., 2022; Katz et al., 2015). Additionally, the coupling between rapid sea-level fluctuations and increased sediment flux, primarily sourced from the Nile River, further exacerbated slope instability. Enhanced sediment loading due to high sedimentation rates during the Holocene contributed significantly to slope destabilization, thereby increasing the frequency and magnitude of submarine mass-failure events that resulted in tsunamis (Elad et al., 2022; Katz et al., 2015). A prominent example is the early Holocene “Dor-complex” landslide, located off the coast of Israel, believed to have generated a tsunami ca. 9,910 to 9,290 BP. This event had catastrophic impacts on the Carmel coast, penetrating inland up to 3.5 km and producing a run-up exceeding 14 meters (Shtienberg et al., 2020). The sedimentological signature of this tsunami consists of marine-derived sand embedded in fresh-to-brackish wetland deposits, indicating the tsunami's extreme reach and intensity. The tsunami aftermath potentially reduced the carrying capacity of the Carmel coastal lowlands by degrading croplands, pastures, livestock, and nearshore marine resources.

4 A model for coastal adaptation and resilience

Understanding how Neolithic coastal communities responded to environmental change requires a conceptual framework that integrates archaeological evidence with ecological and socio-cultural dynamics. Adaptation in this context refers to the range of behavioral, technological and biological strategies employed by human groups to cope with or exploit changing environmental conditions. Resilience, on the other hand, denotes the capacity of these communities to absorb disturbances, reorganize, and maintain continuity in their lifeways despite external pressures (Bradtmöller et al., 2017; Gunderson, 2000; Holling and Gunderson, 2002; Redman and Kinzig, 2003).

This section introduces a model for analyzing coastal adaptation and resilience during the early Holocene using the submerged Neolithic sites of the Carmel Coast as a case study. The model (see Figure 3) considers the cascading relationship from environmental stressors (e.g., sea-level rise, coastal transgression, high-energy coastal inundation event) to societal risks (e.g., flooding of dwellings, salinization of water sources, loss of arable land) and finally to adaptive responses (e.g., construction of wells, diversification of subsistence, architectural innovations such as elevated platforms and protective seawalls). These responses, when effective, contributed to resilience outcomes defined as the sustained ability of Neolithic communities to thrive in dynamic and, on occasion, perhaps unpredictable coastal environments.

As illustrated in Figure 3, this framework should not be seen as ultimately linear but as dynamic. It recognizes that environmental pressures are not isolated events but ongoing and variable processes in their magnitude and impact and that resilience is not a static end-state but an evolving capacity, which at times can grow and at others decrease (Bradtmöller et al., 2017; Gunderson, 2000; Holling and Gunderson, 2002; Redman and Kinzig, 2003). We apply this model to archaeological and paleoenvironmental data, exploring how early coastal societies identified risks, developed solutions, and, in some cases, failed or were forced to abandon them. In doing so, we aim to consider how coastal dynamics challenged key aspects of Neolithic lifeways and how these pressures may have shaped community resilience and adaptive behavior (Figure 3). The discussion is therefore organized around four primary domains of vulnerability: water security, subsistence systems, settlement infrastructure, and health. Although environmental and cultural dynamics and their consequences varied across space and time, they were often interrelated. Loss of freshwater, for example, was not simply a hydrological issue but a threat to agricultural productivity, animal husbandry, and human health, bringing together several domains of vulnerability and tying different adaptive strategies.

4.1 Water security and innovative technology

Access to reliable freshwater is a basic requirement for any sedentary society, and along the early Holocene coast, it became an increasingly complex challenge. The progressive rise in sea level (roughly 8 meters between 9,000 and 7,000 cal. BP) (Galili et al., 2019, 2005; Shtienberg et al., 2022a) would have gradually inundated coastal springs and led to the salinization of shallow aquifers (Cohen-Seffer et al., 2005; Shtienberg et al., 2022a; Sivan et al., 2016, 2011). This could have grave consequences on drinking water, posing a serious threat to early sedentary coastal villages. Additionally, seasonal flooding and storm surges may have contaminated surface water sources, making them unreliable or unsafe for human consumption (Shtienberg et al., 2020). Archaeological evidence suggests that coastal Neolithic communities applied water mining by developing water wells, in order to reach fresh water suitable for drinking (Galili and Rosen, 2011). Specifically, at the Carmel Coast, stone-lined and sometimes wood-supported water-wells were reported to be found at Atlit-Yam, Kfar Samir, Kfar Galim and Nahal Galim (Galili et al., 2020, 2018; Galili and Nir, 1993). The water-wells at both Atlit-Yam and Kfar Samir were dug to form a c. 5 meters deep shaft cutting through clay-rich sediments and through the local bedrock in order to reach the freshwater aquifer. However, with the rise in sea-level the level of the freshwater aquifer shifted as well resulting in some of the water-wells to stop functioning as source of drinking water. Indeed, some water-wells were found filled with food and activity waste indicating their abandonment during the time of occupation of the coastal villages, changing their function into waste dumps. Yet, one particular water-well in Atlit-Yam shows signs of maintenance as two meters of stone infilling was interpreted as an attempt to raise the base of the well to reach the changing higher level of the freshwater aquifer in response to sea-level rise and saltwater seepage (Galili et al., 2020, 2017a; Galili and Nir, 1993). These wells represent a direct evidence not only for technical adaptation and skill but also forward planning in the face of environmental dynamics. The strategic placement and construction of these wells suggest a clear awareness of shifting hydrological conditions and a community-level investment in water management solutions.

4.2 Farming constraints and subsistence diversification

Coastal environmental dynamics posed multiple risks to Neolithic subsistence based on farming. Soil salinization, flooding and the encroachment of wetlands would have threatened crop viability, while transgression of the coastline and sand deposition reduced the availability of arable and grazing land (Roskin et al., 2016; Shtienberg et al., 2022b, in preparation). These conditions challenged the viability of Neolithic land-based food systems. Yet, the emergence of sedentary coastal villages, as seen at the Pre-Pottery Neolithic site of Atlit-Yam, seems to be directly linked with the diversification the subsistence economy, integrating traditional Neolithic terrestrial resources (based on crop cultivation of cereals and legumes and animal husbandry of domesticated animals, alongside the continuation of reliance over hunting of wild animals) with marine resources (Galili et al., 2021, 2020, 2018, 2017b, 2004b, 2002; Greenfield et al., 2016, 2006; Horwitz et al., 2002). Faunal remains and fishing tools found at several submerged Neolithic sites suggest the innovative incorporation of marine resources (e.g., fish, mollusks, and possibly sea mammals) as more reliable protein sources. This subsistence reliance on both marine and terrestrial resources would have buffered households against seasonal or environmental shortfalls in terrestrial food production, especially at the coastal environment where cultivation and animal husbandry might be more difficult due to flooding, wetlands and salination. Later on, during the Pottery Neolithic, as early as the mid-7^th millennium BP, botanical evidence (particularly at Kfar Samir and Hishuley Carmel) points to an adaptive emphasis on olive exploitation and processing, including olive oil production, alongside consumption of table olives (Galili et al., 2021, 2018, 1997). The emphasis on perennial, drought- and salt-tolerant crops may reflect strategic shifts in plant management under increasingly marginal conditions.

4.3 Health and biological adaptation

Life in coastal environments during the Neolithic likely had significant implications for human health, activity patterns and biological adaptation. Though such aspects are inherently more difficult to detect in the archaeological record, skeletal remains provide valuable insight into how individuals may have responded and biologically adapted to the coastal environment. Engaging in maritime activities, such as swimming, diving and rowing, as well as extended exposure to wind, saltwater and humidity, would have imposed distinct physical and environmental stresses on the human body.

Evidence from Atlit-Yam, where at least 63 human skeletons have been recovered, offers a rare opportunity to explore some of the earliest biological adaptation associated with early establishment of sedentary coastal life. Notably, auditory exostosis (an abnormal bone growth in the ear canal associated with prolonged exposure to cold water) has been observed in approximately 25% of the male skeletons. This condition is consistent with frequent diving suggested to be a possible marker for spear fishing or shellfish gathering (Galili et al., 2020). One young female skeleton displays musculoskeletal markers interpreted as evidence of repeated upper-body strain, possibly linked to rowing or other strenuous water-based activities (Hershkovitz and Galili, 1991).

The formation of coastal wetlands (Elyashiv et al., 2016; Shtienberg et al., 2022b; Sivan et al., 2011, 2004a), combined with poor drainage and high humidity (Bar-Matthews et al., 2019, 2003; Cheddadi et al., 2021; Goldsmith et al., 2023; Grant et al., 2016), may have created favorable conditions for the spread of vector-borne diseases such as malaria. Stagnant waters could have facilitated waterborne infections, while damp, poorly ventilated structures likely increased susceptibility to respiratory illnesses. Evidence of thalassemia, a blood disorder that can confer partial resistance to malaria, points to potential selective pressure from mosquito-borne diseases in wetland environments (Hershkovitz et al., 1991). Moreover, ancient DNA analysis has confirmed the presence of tuberculosis in an infant and a female recovered from Atlit-Yam, representing the one of the earliest known case of this disease in humans (Hershkovitz et al., 2008). Nevertheless, demographic analysis by Eshed and Galili (2011) argued for a relatively high proportion of male individuals living beyond the age of 50, suggesting greater longevity at Atlit-Yam compared to contemporaneous inland Pre-Pottery Neolithic populations and also longer than later Pottery Neolithic sites at the Carmel Coast (Eshed and Galili, 2011). This may reflect improved nutrition and dietary stability due to the exploitation of both terrestrial and marine resources, supporting the notion that coastal life and access to marine resources, despite its challenges, offered distinct health advantages. It has also been suggested that marine resources might have been less intensively exploited or less abundantly available along the Carmel coastline during the later Pottery Neolithic period (Galili et al., 2020).

4.4 Coastal transgression and settlement patterns

Perhaps the most notoriously known environmental stress on the coastal Neolithic societies is associated with the rise in sea-level and the resulting transgression of the shoreline. Being closer to the sea also meant higher vulnerability to storms, floods, increasing sedimentation of sand and ultimately inundation. These processes posed direct threats to Neolithic dwellings and communal infrastructure, which necessitated a response, whether in protection or adaptation of the settlement infrastructure or by ultimately abandoning the site.

The Neolithic settlements at the Carmel Coast (Figure 1), situated low on the coastal plain, were vulnerable to the rapidly rising sea level and shoreline transgression. The most remarkable adaptive response comes from Tel Hreiz, where the construction of a >100-meter-long boulder-built wall located seaward of the settlement, is interpreted to evince coastal defense structure globally (Galili et al., 2019). Built from large, non-local stones and carefully aligned parallel to the ancient shoreline, the seawall indicates organized labor, shared risk awareness and architectural planning aimed at mitigating wave energy and delaying inundation. Dating to the late 8^th millennium BP, about two millennia after the Neolithic coastal occupation at nearby Atlit-Yam, it may appear as if Neolithic people had a collective memory and understanding of rising sea-levels and its consequences. Interestingly, while raised platforms or pile dwellings are considered an essential aspect of Neolithic adaptive architecture to coastal environments in Europe (Hafner et al., 2022), these are to date absence from the archaeological record at the Carmel Coast.

The transgression of the shoreline meant storms, and perhaps even tsunamis, had much stronger impact on coastal settlements as evident from the deposition of sediments and sea debris dating to the 10^th and 8^th millennium BP (Shtienberg et al., 2020; in preparation). In addition, the change in the shoreline also brought deposition of sand which ultimately covered the entire coast. All along the Carmel Coast the Neolithic settlements are situated on a clay-rich sediment dating to the early Holocene overlain by a layer of sand dating from the 8^th millennium BP to present day (Shtienberg et al., 2022a; Sivan et al., 2011, 2001). While there is some chronological overlap between the earliest phases of sand deposition over the coast and the latest archaeological occupation layers at the late Pottery Neolithic coastal settlements (Shtienberg et al., in preparation), soon after (further into the 7^th millennium BP) the coastal settlements are being abandoned and no other settlement has been so far detected within the sand layer at the Carmel Coast for millennia. It is not before the Middle Bronze Age (early 4^th millennium BP) that coastal occupation over the coastal sand layer will return to the Carmel Coast (Nickelsberg et al., 2024b; Yasur-Landau, 2018; Yasur-Landau et al., 2024). Thus, the most common Neolithic adaptive strategy to mitigate the impact of coastal transgression seems to be through abandonment and spatial movement of settlements eastwards, away from the sea (Galili et al., 2020).

5 Coastal adaptation and the engines of cultural innovation

The Neolithic transition does not represent a singular event but a prolonged and regionally varied process of cultural innovation (Bar-Yosef, 2017; Goring-Morris and Belfer-Cohen, 2011; Price and Bar-Yosef, 2011; Zeder, 2009). While its hallmarks – in form of plant and animal domestication, sedentism, development of new technologies and evolving social structures – are often discussed as outcomes of ecological opportunity or demographic pressure, it is increasingly clear that the necessity to adapt to complex environments played an equally crucial role (Bar-Yosef, 2011; Boivin et al., 2016; Sterelny and Watkins, 2015). Nowhere is this more evident than in Neolithic coastal zones, where hyper-dynamic and unstable environmental conditions likely demanded novel and context-specific responses. The case of the Carmel Coast illustrates how adaptation to challenges such as sea-level rise, salinization and landscape transformation may have catalyzed a range of social, technological and economic innovations. These responses, rather than isolated fixes, represent an emergent resilience framework that likely shaped broader pathways of cultural evolution.

In this sense, coastal Neolithic societies may not have merely endured marginal landscapes, rather they may have thrived within them by innovating in ways that more stable inland communities did not require. Technological solutions such as stone-lined water wells and their modification due to rising sea-levels, evidence for early olive industry, seawall construction, and diversified subsistence strategies are not only markers of resilience, but also of creative problem-solving. The proximity of marine and terrestrial ecologies, combined with the pressures of flooding, shifting coastlines, and freshwater scarcity, produced a unique socio-ecological setting in which flexibility, planning, and cooperation were essential. We hypothesize, although hard to prove, that these conditions likely fostered new forms of knowledge transmission, resource management, and possibly new perceptions of the environment and social organization.

This broader pattern might also be seen beyond the southern Levant and Neolithic period. Similar dynamics are observable in other regions that later became centers of cultural innovation and social complexity. In southern Mesopotamia, the emergence of stratified and urban societies was intimately tied to the management of deltaic and marshy landscapes (Pournelle, 2003; Wilkinson, 2012). The early Ubaid communities developed irrigation systems, monumental architecture, and complex settlement hierarchies within a setting defined by shifting sea-level and watercourses, wetlands, and seasonal inundation (Hole, 1994; Kennett and Kennett, 2006). Likewise, the Nile Delta, with its annual flooding and high ecological productivity, provided the environmental canvas upon which early Egyptian polities emerged (Bunbury, 2019; Stanley and Warne, 1993). In both cases, as well as in other parts of the world where the emergence of more complex societies and urbanism is associated with coastal and/or fluvial systems (e.g., China, Indus Valley, Coastal Peru), it appears that the ability to organize, adapt, and innovate within unstable and watery environments laid the groundwork for increasingly complex societal forms (Day et al., 2012; Pennington et al., 2016).

This pattern suggests that coastal and marshy landscapes, often perceived archaeologically as marginal or hazardous, may in fact have served as crucibles of cultural innovation. They demanded from their inhabitants a deep understanding of environmental rhythms, collaborative labor, and technological development. Importantly, these environments were not static; they shifted with climate change, sea-level rise, sedimentation, and geomorphological transformations (e.g., the appearance and disappearance of wetlands or shifting watercourses) affecting an entire ecosystem, from plants to animals, and even microorganisms, to landscape transformation. As the environment was highly dynamic, human strategies had to be continuously updated. Such conditions inherently worked in favor of, and/or enabled, adaptive cultures – ones that prioritize flexibility, learning and resilience. It is therefore plausible that Neolithic coastal societies were not only instrumental in the spread of the Neolithic lifeways along the Mediterranean littoral, but also in the development of the cultural and social innovations that later enabled more complex forms of societal organization. Their absence from traditional narratives may reflect not their marginality, but rather a bias introduced by the limits of field archaeology of submerged settlements. As submerged archaeology progresses, these communities may be re-centered as key contributors to human cultural evolution.

In conclusion, coastal and marshy environments, being dynamic and ecologically rich, appear to have provided fertile ground for adaptive traits and cultural innovation during the Neolithic. The imperative to adapt to climate-driven environmental change may have acted as a catalyst for new technologies, economic strategies, and social cooperation. Neolithic coastal societies, particularly those now submerged, deserve recognition not only as pioneers of maritime spread but also as experimental laboratories of human ingenuity– shaping trajectories that led toward greater complexity in the ancient world.

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Footnotes

Edited by: Alvise Barbieri, University of Algarve, Portugal

Reviewed by: Enrico Lucci, University of Bari Aldo Moro, Italy

Lisa Maher, University of California, Berkeley, United States