Climate-induced migration, livelihood vulnerability and associated adaptation strategies: a systematic literature review

1 Introduction

The impact of climate change on vulnerable populations is an evolving global concern (Adger and Kelly, 1999; Kasperson, 2022; Kelly and Adger, 2000; Watson et al., 1998; Wilhite et al., 2014). Climate-related hazards such as floods, droughts, cyclones, and sea-level rise become disastrous only when they interact with pre-existing conditions of vulnerability, exposure, and weak governance structures (UNDRR and ISC, 2020; Kelman, 2020). Climate change has a significant impact on human migration (Parrish et al., 2020; Priovashini and Mallick, 2022). As indicated by the most recent sixth report (IPCC AR6, 2022), climate change is responsible for the increase in the severity of heatwaves, floods, droughts, and coastal hazards, which create vulnerabilities and limit livelihoods (IPCC, 2022: WGII Chapters 7 & 8). The report further concludes with high confidence that climate-related hazards disproportionately impact vulnerable populations, particularly in low-income and resource-dependent settings, thereby influencing patterns of both voluntary and forced migration.

In this review, climate-induced migration is defined as population movement shaped by climatic stressors such as floods, cyclones, droughts, sea-level rise, and salinization, which cause livelihood systems to suffer and influence mobility decisions (IPCC, 2014). Therefore, rather than treating all types of environmental disruption as equal causes of migration, the review focuses on research where climate-related environmental degradation is directly linked to lower adaptation capacity. Climate-induced migration refers to movement driven by climate-related risks that significantly affect livelihoods and well-being, unlike broader environmental migration, which may result from various ecological factors (Obokata et al., 2014; Folke et al., 2021).

According to the Overseas Development Institute (London), environmental shifts encompass factors such as rising sea levels, droughts, floods, extreme weather, soil degradation, and desertification (Přívara and Přívarová, 2019; Terminski, 2012; Wilkinson, 2016). Climate-induced migration may manifest internally, within a single nation, or internationally, crossing national boundaries (Francis, 2019; Ghosh and Orchiston, 2022; Wilkinson, 2016). This complex phenomenon results from dimensions of social, economic, political, and environmental influences. It is also called environmental migration, climate migration, or climate refuge (Black et al., 2013; Ionesco et al., 2016; Oliver-Smith, 2012). However, climate change threatens human livelihood and well-being by compelling individuals to temporarily or permanently vacate their residences (IPCC, 2014). Consequently, a burgeoning field of research is now examining the connection between climate-induced migration and economic insecurity (Adri and Simon, 2018; Bera et al., 2021; Khan, 2022; Khan et al., 2021). However, though the concept of “climate migration” has engendered lively discourse among both scholars and policymakers (Bettini, 2014; Nicholson and Mayer, 2023), the absence of standardized definitions and terminologies complicates constructive dialogues within academic circles (Mortreux and Barnett, 2009; Naser, 2011; Singer, 2020. Nonetheless, researchers across the globe are conducting an array of studies on climate-induced migration, including visual and descriptive depictions of climate change (e.g., crop disease, water shortage, disasters) effects on migrants' relocation, resettlement, livelihoods, and conflict (Ali, 2018; Black et al., 2013; Buechler, 2009; Chen and Mueller, 2018; Edwards, 2013; Kolmannskog, 2009; Morrissey, 2013; Ocello et al., 2015; Penning Rowsell et al., 2013; Sakellari, 2021; UNFPA, 2009; Van der Geest, 2004). Other researchers have highlighted how environmental stressors affect migration and livelihoods, often operating indirectly through various social, economic, political, and demographic factors (Black et al., 2011; Adams, 2016; Ionesco et al., 2017; Morrissey, 2012; Neumann and Hilderink, 2015).

Climate hazards may result in livelihood disturbance and mobility pressure, especially when climate exposure overlaps with poverty, resource dependence, weak service provision, and low adaptive capacity. Climate change causes systemic disruption of agriculture, water access, housing, and health systems, which creates well-being degradation across origin and destination areas (IPCC, 2014). Research about the linkages between climate-induced migration and livelihood vulnerability has gained momentum within the academic field (Adri and Simon, 2018; Bera et al., 2021; Khan, 2022; Khan et al., 2021). Many studies rely on subjective local views of vulnerability; therefore, this study uses the standardized Livelihood Vulnerability Index and related frameworks to ensure accurate and comparable assessments (Hahn et al., 2009).

In this context, livelihood vulnerability describes how well a migrant's survival means respond to climate-related hazards and stressors when measured by exposure level, sensitivity, and adaptive capability limitations (Hahn et al., 2009). The vulnerability of people emerges from both environmental stresses and internal economic challenges, as well as social systems that lack resource access and weak institutions (Huq et al., 2007; Saha, 2015; Schneider, 2007). Living in regions prone to disasters and residing in areas with low income create increased dangers for inhabitants because their basic needs are disrupted both in transit and when their original homes remain abandoned (Baker, 2012; Gray and Mueller, 2012). Schneider (2007) argues that the vulnerability of migrants' livelihoods in climate-induced migration depends on various factors such as their social situation, resources, geographical location, socioeconomic conditions, gender disparities, and adaptive capacities. Low-income people and communities in disaster-prone areas with limited services are more vulnerable to climate disasters, facing livelihood loss, displacement, illness, and food shortages due to weaker coping capacity (Baker, 2012; Huq et al., 2007; Saha, 2015). Furthermore, climate change-induced migration exacerbates vulnerability among impoverished coastal communities grappling with economic hardship (Gray and Mueller, 2012).

Despite extensive research on climate-induced migration, current research increasingly shows that migration is a dynamic, multidirectional, and adaptable livelihood strategy rather than a strictly forced or linear process (Black et al., 2011; Maharjan et al., 2020; Cundill et al., 2021). Climate-related mobility includes seasonal, temporary, irregular, and aspirational movements shaped by social and economic factors, yet limited research explains how these pathways affect livelihoods and adaptive capacity in urban areas, where migrants face informal labour, insecure housing, weak services, and greater gendered vulnerabilities (Mitlin and Satterthwaite, 2013; Adams and Kay, 2019). This destination-specific gap is insufficiently synthesised in existing reviews, particularly in relation to migrants' adaptive strategies in cities.

Climate-induced migration refers to movement caused by climate-related environmental changes that harm living conditions, while environmental change-induced migration includes all natural or human-made environmental causes of migration (Chi, 2015; Almulhim et al., 2024). While previous research has observed that these terms often get mixed up in academic and policy discourse (Wells et al., 2020), in this review article, the distinction between climate-induced migration and environmental migration is adopted in an analytically cautious manner due to the often fuzzy line between them. The differentiation is employed not to suggest unilinear causation by climate, but to determine if climate-sensitive risks are associated with different vulnerability and adaptation dynamics. The review examines how the research demonstrates vulnerability and adaptation within these rapidly changing socio-economic situations and specifically revisits the discovered gap regarding migrant's experiences at urban destinations. Even though significant progress has been made in the study of climate migration, there is still a need for an extensive and systematic analysis of how climate-related migration shapes livelihood vulnerability and adaptation responses. Such an analysis is crucial since migrants experience a variety of vulnerabilities in origin and destination areas, including economic, social, environmental, health, cultural, and political. Thus, this article aims to synthesise the relationship among climate-induced migration, livelihood vulnerability, and adaptation strategies, drawing on previous studies. To established the aim, the fllowing objectives will be pursued: To systematically synthesize existing literature on climate-induced migration, livelihood vulnerability, and adaptation strategies; To identify the key categories of livelihood vulnerability faced by climate-induced migrants; To categorize the different adaptation responses used by climate-induced migrants in relation to the environment, society, institutions, economics, and livelihoods; To examine the relationship between livelihood vulnerability and adaptation strategies. The review includes only peer-reviewed studies indexed in Scopus and Web of Science published between 2008 and 2022, covering all regions with particular emphasis on climate-vulnerable areas such as South and Southeast Asia, Africa, Latin America, Pacific Islands, North America, and Australia.

2 Methodology

A thorough review of relevant literature regarding this interplay is essential to gain a comprehensive understanding of the diverse livelihood vulnerabilities stemming from climate-induced migration and the adaptation strategies employed by affected populations. To achieve this goal, this systematic review employed the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses (PRISMA) framework, widely recognized as a foremost valuable tool for systematic reviews and meta-analyses, especially in the field of environmental management (O'Leary et al., 2015; Sierra-Correa and Cantera Kintz, 2015). According to Sierra-Correa and Cantera Kintz (2015), PRISMA has three primary benefits for environmental management research: it facilitates the formulation of precise research inquiries, defines criteria to incorporate pertinent material exclusively, and guarantees the timely completion of the review. Research conducted by Shaffril et al. (2020), Ambad (2022), and Seng (2022) has demonstrated that the implementation of PRISMA enhances the calibre and precision of systematic reviews. Following the PRISMA principles, this review encompassed formulating research questions and establishing criteria for literature selection. Additionally, it entailed identifying, screening, and evaluating articles for their quality, as well as extracting and analyzing data. These procedures will be elaborated upon in later sub-sections.

2.1 Research question formulation

The PICO tool was utilized to formulate the systematic review question, following the guidelines outlined by Shaffril et al. (2020). PICO comprises four essential components: Population or Problem, Intervention or Interest, Comparison (if applicable), and Outcome (Ingham-Broomfield, 2014; Karkou and Meekums, 2017). In the current article, the following three vital components are included in the systematic review: the population is climate-induced migrants, the problem of interest is Livelihood Vulnerability, and finally, the outcomes are related to adaptive practices. These components were integrated to craft the research question: “What are the relationships between climate-induced migration, livelihood vulnerability, and the associated adaptation strategies?”

To operationalize the main research question, the literature review will be based on four more specific questions, which relate to how previous research conceptualizes the concept of climate-driven migration, the vulnerabilities faced in connection with such a phenomenon, the adaptation methods employed by the migrants to cope with those vulnerabilities, and how the socio-regional environment shapes vulnerability and adaptation processes. The focus of the analysis will be on literature on migration, vulnerability, and adaptation in relation to climate-based phenomena or hazards.

2.2 Systematic search strategies

This review used two reputable sources of published articles, i.e., Scopus and Web of Science (WoS), considering their rigorous peer-review processes, extensive coverage, and widespread acceptance within the academic community. Peer-reviewed reports, experimental studies, and observational studies published between 2008 and 2022 on these databases were collected via a meticulous three-stage process: identification, screening, and eligibility (refer to Figure 1), as explained below.

“Climate-induced migration” is the broad concept that will be applied throughout this article to refer to human movements resulting from climate-induced, environment-induced, and disaster-induced stresses. However, it should be noted that the search strategy was not limited to the exact use of the term “climate-induced migration.” Considering the wide range of terminologies in different disciplines, the search strings have also included other terms, which are climat, environment, disast, migrat, displace, and refug. This was intended to capture literature that used other terms like climate migration, environmental migration, disaster-induced migration, climate-induced displacement, environmental displacement, and refugee movement.

2.2.1 Identification

Adopting Okoli's (2015) methodology, this study developed specific keyword criteria to investigate the relationships between climate-induced migration, livelihood vulnerability, and adaptation strategies. To conduct a comprehensive search, both Boolean operators “OR” and “AND” were used to combine the main search terms: “climate-induced migration,” “livelihood vulnerability,” and “adaptation strategy” (see Table 1). Searches were also conducted for relevant synonyms, related terms, and previous studies to further broaden the scope of the review and prevent any oversight (Asadgol et al., 2020; Cravero et al., 2022; Galappaththi et al., 2020; Islam et al., 2020; Mohd Idris et al., 2022; Shaffril et al., 2020; Sharma, 2020; Stanton et al., 2016; Talukder Byomkesh et al., 2021). In total, the search identified 314 documents, with 152 from Scopus and 162 from WoS.

Table 1. Search criteria for systematic review.

“Climate-induced migration” was adopted as the conceptual framework for the review; nonetheless, it did not restrict the search process to only that particular term. More expansive terms related to both the environmental issue and the phenomenon being reviewed were included in the search terms.

Since “vulnerability” and “adaptation” do not consistently co-occur in climate-migration literature, distinct but overlapping search streams were initially employed for these two concepts, even though PRISMA permits unified Boolean structures. Previous reviews show that adaptation-focused research generally ignores vulnerability assessments, while livelihood vulnerability studies frequently exclude adaptation strategies (Barnett and O'neill, 2010; Tschakert et al., 2013). For multi-concept reviews, it is therefore methodologically acceptable to execute simultaneous search routes (Shaffril et al., 2020). Both streams were then cross-checked and combined during screening to guarantee consistency and completeness.

2.2.2 Screening

The retrieved articles were screened according to clearly defined inclusion and exclusion criteria to ensure the relevance and quality of the reviewed literature. Publications were required to meet all inclusion criteria and were excluded if they met any exclusion criteria (Table 1). The overall selection process and number of records at each stage are summarized in Figure 1.

The 2008–2022 publication window was chosen to strike a compromise between analytical viability and comprehensiveness. With the publication of groundbreaking studies like Raleigh et al. (2008), environmental migration became a separate field of study in 2008. The 2022 limit is in line with comparable environmental-migration reviews (Neumann and Hilderink, 2015; Piguet, 2013) and PRISMA guidelines that suggest a distinct temporal threshold for systematic reviews (Moher et al., 2009). Furthermore, the focus of material released after 2022 has shifted from empirical livelihood vulnerability analyses, which are outside the purview of this review, to climate mobility governance and loss-and-damage negotiations.

2.2.3 Eligibility

Subsequently, a manual review of the retrieved articles was conducted to confirm their alignment with the research, as outlined by Lefebvre et al. (2019). In this phase, all records were consolidated into a shared Zotero database, which is an open-access reference management software. The database streamlined the removal of duplicate records and facilitated the assessment of eligibility using four criteria: title, abstract, keywords, and full text. Specifically, articles' titles and abstracts were screened to determine their relevance to the key concepts (climate-induced migration, livelihood vulnerability, and adaptation strategy). After excluding irrelevant studies, the full texts of the remaining studies were assessed for eligibility based on the predefined inclusion and exclusion criteria. Ultimately, 28 eligible articles remained for analysis in this systematic review.

2.3 Data extraction and analysis

This study conducted an integrative review, contributing to new knowledge by critically assessing, synthesizing, and evaluating existing literature (Torraco, 2016). Correspondingly, data were extracted from the 28 selected studies using a standardized data extraction form. The obtained data encompassed various aspects, including study characteristics (e.g., author, year of publication, study design), population characteristics (e.g., sample size, demographics), exposure and outcome measures, and primary findings. The studies were synthesized using thematic analysis, which entails identifying and summarizing common themes and patterns across the studies. The themes were categorized based on the types of livelihood vulnerability and adaptation strategies, and any discrepancies were resolved through discussion and consensus among the researchers. The synthesis of the included studies was guided by thematic analysis, a method suitable for identifying, organizing, and interpreting patterns across qualitative data. Initially, themes were categorized according to types of livelihood vulnerability and adaptation strategies. Any discrepancies in coding or thematic categorization were resolved through discussion and consensus among the research team to ensure consistency and accuracy. Migration drivers were divided into two analytical nodes during coding and synthesis: (1) climate-related hazards and (2) non-climate environmental pressures. This strategy supports previous demands for conceptual clarity in the investigation of climate migration. “Climate-induced migration” was only used to describe studies that identified climatic threats such as floods, cyclones, droughts, salinity, or temperature stresses (Ahmed et al., 2019). Only when researchers specifically connected ecosystem decline or environmental degradation to climatic processes was it coded independently and included in the analysis.

Furthermore, the qualitative analysis was strengthened through the use of NVivo software. A structured analysis process divided itself into multiple related steps, which allowed a complete investigation of the dataset. Initial analysis started by creating a Word Cloud to bring forward important language patterns in the dataset. This gave researchers a first look at the prominent concepts. Each word size in the visualized bar chart represented the number of times the text used that word, making it easy to detect the most prominent topics in the research body. The researchers applied thematic nodes to the textual data, which represented common patterns of ideas that appeared throughout the content. The coding matrix evaluated code relationships as well as contextual data variables, including location information and demographic details. The matrix structure allowed researchers to explore how different themes connected throughout different circumstances and research conditions. The instrument used NVivo dendrogram to perform Cluster Analysis for identifying case relationships according to word similarity between documents. The hierarchical clustering method used in this process grouped documents sharing thematic content while revealing underlying data patterns between them. The process led to building an organized thematic framework that supported the creation of the final synthesis. Research concluded with a comparison of all main themes identified from the coding and clustering process. Researchers used this stage to understand how cases were similar and different to gain a more profound understanding of livelihood vulnerabilities adapted to climate change. This method provided both extensive and in-depth insights into evaluating the intricate qualitative findings of the research.

3 Result

3.1 Conceptualization of the key concepts in the reviewed articles

The reviewed literature conceptualizes climate-induced migration as a type of mobility that is directly linked to hazards and stresses that are triggered by climate change, such as floods, cyclones, droughts, sea-level rise, salinity intrusion, coastal erosion, heat stress, water scarcity, and disruption of agriculture. But the literature also indicates that environmental migration is rarely determined by climatic factors alone. Instead, climate-induced migration results from the intersection of climatic stressors with socioeconomic circumstances, livelihood pressures, institutional arrangements, gender roles, social relations, and political context.

There is an analytical distinction made between environmental migration and climate-induced migration, which is sometimes controversial. While environmental migration involves the movement of people resulting from changes in the environment, regardless of their cause, climate-induced migration is defined here as being related exclusively to changes in the environment that are linked specifically to climatic processes. This definition is important because it can highlight differences in vulnerabilities, institutional obligations, and adaptation requirements that result from different drivers. But the distinction is not always clear, and thus it is considered only one part of a broader discussion on environmental migration.

3.1.1 Climate-induced migration

The notion of climate-driven migration refers to the human movement caused by hazards linked to climatic conditions or environmentally vulnerable conditions triggered by climatic changes that adversely impact people's livelihoods and security in the forms of floods, cyclones, droughts, sea level rise, saline intrusion, coastal erosion, heat stress, water shortages, and reduced agricultural output (Ahsan et al., 2016; Black et al., 2011; IPCC, 2022). Nevertheless, the research on this matter confirms the fact that migration related to climate is usually not induced by climate-related factors only but results from the interplay of climatic stresses and socioeconomic conditions. Individuals or groups must relocate because severe environmental disruptions are connected to climate variability and change, which they experience directly or indirectly. The combination of storms, floods, and droughts alongside coastal erosion and rising sea levels generates conditions that make habitats uninhabitable, therefore making migration both short-term and long-term (Johnson et al., 2022; Rahman et al., 2015). Environmental migration includes voluntary relocations due to environmental concerns and compelled relocation of people from sudden, significant climate impacts (Haeffner et al., 2018; Sulagna and Poyyamoly, 2011). In addition, environmental issues serve as only limited determinants for decisions regarding migration. The social process of migration emerges from numerous economic and social factors combined with institutional elements and networks that explain its complex nature (Colten et al., 2018; Thomas and Benjamin, 2018). Social scientists view migration as a dual tool for survival under dangerous environmental conditions. Livelihood diversification and resilience development occur through migration, although the process also increases vulnerability, resulting in asset loss, restricted opportunities, and marginalization challenges (Islam et al., 2014; Parsons and Nielsen, 2021).

While the difference between climatic migration and the more general environmental migration may be analytically valuable, it continues to be a contentious issue within the scholarly discussion. While some works tend to use these two terms synonymously, others distinguish climate-specific challenges and the whole spectrum of issues of an environmental nature, including deforestation, pollution, land degradation not caused by climate change, or riverbank erosion as a result of construction activity (Obokata et al., 2014; Piguet, 2013). For clarity's sake, this review will adhere to the former approach without suggesting that climate factors do not interact with others.

The difference is significant from an analytical perspective because different factors affecting migration lead to different vulnerability pathways and solutions. For example, migration caused by cyclones or saltwater intrusion may call for adaptation measures, disaster management, planned relocation, and diversification of income sources, while migration caused by environmental degradation due to pollution or development projects might demand regulations and compensations (Black et al., 2011; IPCC, 2022). However, studies show that climate migrants are usually at the bottom of the socio-economic scale with minimal relocation alternatives because they possess limited adaptive capabilities (Entzinger and Scholten, 2022; Mallick et al., 2022). Authorities and communities take action through planned relocation to resettle populations within safer areas because their settlements become uninhabitable (Johnson et al., 2022). Migration functions beyond being a stress-driven reaction to environmental pressure since it represents a strategic forward-thinking strategy for constructing enduring resilience within starting and target areas (Shi et al., 2019). The total picture of climate-induced migration emerges from voluntary and forced movements that develop through combined environmental limitations and economic systems. The phenomenon demonstrates various adaptation techniques that reveal both the ability to be resilient and the breakdown of the pace of increasing climate change (Jacobson et al., 2019; Ngo et al., 2022). This review treats migration as a multi-causal process where climatic stressors interact with social, economic, and institutional drivers (Black et al., 2011).

3.1.2 Livelihood vulnerability

The term livelihood vulnerability describes how much people or groups lack resilience to handle environmental risks that undermine their existence, and this lack of resilience grows when they cannot protect themselves from such threats (Islam et al., 2014; Parsons and Chann, 2019). Climate stressors such as coastal erosion alongside extreme weather events and crop failures expose people to vulnerability through their disruptions of income activities and creation of social insecurity (Rahman et al., 2015; Sulagna and Poyyamoly, 2011). The ability to implement adaptive strategies depends on different household variables, including financial capacity and possession of land and livestock, as well as educational status and access to clean water and social networking involvements (Haeffner et al., 2018; Johnson et al., 2022). Furthermore, the livelihood vulnerability of populations depends mainly upon socioeconomic and institutional circumstances, along with weak structures and insufficient policies, because these conditions restrict local adaptive potential (Tamang et al., 2018; Mallick et al., 2022). The adverse effects of climate change target women at a higher rate than men because women serve as the principal providers for their households (Entzinger and Scholten, 2022). Vulnerability in migration contexts is relational and emerges from the interaction of exposure, sensitivity, and adaptive capacity (Adger, 2006; Black et al., 2011). In climate-migration research, vulnerability is not only an environmental condition but a socially produced outcome linked to inequalities, institutions, and access to resources (Foresight, 2011; McLeman, 2014).

Households engage in migration because it results from their livelihood vulnerability and is a protective measure against this problem. Many householders migrate because climatic shocks damage both their farming output and their income streams, and some communities shift to migrate ahead of time to achieve greater income diversity by avoiding climate-dependent activities (Parsons and Nielsen, 2021; Rahman et al., 2015). Migration creates new vulnerabilities when it causes individuals to become credit-dependent or results in losing their human and social resources (Jacobson et al., 2019; Shi et al., 2019). The concept of livelihood vulnerability represents multiple dimensions, including climate exposure, social capabilities, institutional structures, and sustainability perspectives during the climate change era (IPCC, 2014; Zickgraf, 2019). Livelihood vulnerability is thus conceptualized through the IPCC framing of exposure, sensitivity, and adaptive capacity (IPCC, 2014).

3.1.3 Livelihood adaptation strategy

Livelihood adaptation strategy refers to the deliberate choices and combinations of activities that households undertake to sustain their livelihood. In the context of changing environmental and socioeconomic circumstances, these strategies try to reduce vulnerability, increase resilience, and preserve livelihood security. Adaptation strategies can be proactive, requiring longer-term planning like migration, technology innovation, or livelihood diversification, or can be reactive to sudden shocks like crop loss and floods (Parsons and Nielsen, 2021). For instance, communities in climate-sensitive areas often adjust farming practices, enhance water management, diversify crops, and expand income sources to buffer against climate-related losses (Ashraf et al., 2021; Haeffner et al., 2018; Parsons and Chann, 2019). Migration, while sometimes considered a last resort, also functions as an adaptive livelihood strategy when environmental and economic conditions constrain local options (Fielmua et al., 2017). Remittance flows, temporary migration, off-farm income, and agricultural adaptations all work together to increase household resilience and lessen reliance on livelihoods that are vulnerable to climate change. Furthermore, structural and institutional elements like market access, governance, and social networks influence adaptation in addition to individual or household behaviors (Shi et al., 2019).

At the same time, households frequently rely on coping strategies which are typically short-to medium-term responses used to manage and overcome adverse conditions and maintain basic functioning during shocks (IPCC, 2022). In livelihood systems studies, coping strategies have been described as “fallback” mechanisms that households use in unusual seasons or shock periods- such as cutting their consumption, borrowing resources, depleting their informal social structures to seek assistance, or resorting to liquidation of assets- to cover immediate shortfalls (Davies, 1993; Devereux, 2001). Expanding upon this distinction, adaptation tends to imply longer-term and more deliberate types of changes that modify livelihood strategies to mitigate future risk, while coping involves actions that are closer-range activities aimed at safeguarding consumption or survival, but which may not be sustainable over time (Davies, 1993; Maxwell, 1995). Therefore, in this study, the concept of a livelihood adaptation strategy is adopted following adaptation literature to reflect purposeful long-term adjustments and coping strategies, which are considered as a short-term response mechanism in addressing immediate shocks (IPCC, 2022; Maxwell, 1995).

3.2 Publication trends of reviewed articles

As seen from Figure 2 below, it becomes evident that studies in the field of climate migration and livelihoods and adaptation measures were scarce during the earlier periods of this review. Indeed, between 2011 and 2016, few studies appeared, showing that there has been no focus on studying the relationship between climate change-related migration and livelihood vulnerabilities as a major scientific concern.

There was an apparent growth in the number of publications starting in 2017, with a notable peak observed in 2018, when a considerable number of publications were recorded. The further growth observed in 2022 may be associated with emerging interests in climate mobility, adaptation measures, loss and damage, and climate justice in general. Overall, there appears to be a growing scientific interest in this issue.

3.3 Regional focus of reviewed studies

A review of the 28 selected studies indicates a geographically diverse yet uneven distribution of research on climate-induced migration, as shown in Figure 3. The majority of studies (57%) are concentrated in Asia, particularly in countries such as Bangladesh, India, and Cambodia, followed by Africa (11%), the Americas (14%), and a smaller proportion in Australia. This pattern reflects a strong research emphasis on regions that are highly exposed to environmental risks and climate-related vulnerabilities, with Bangladesh emerging as a key focal area due to recurrent flooding, sea-level rise, and cyclones.

The impacts of drought, variability in rainfall patterns, and land degradation are some of the factors that make the people living in the Sahel region and East Africa engage in seasonal mobility and diversification of livelihoods. Sea-level rise and coastal erosion in Pacific Island countries have made discussions about planned relocation and land-based identity more heated. Drought and agricultural pressure in Latin America have contributed to the deterioration of rural livelihoods and movement from rural to urban areas. These examples illustrate how climate-induced migration is differentiated based on different factors.

In summary, from the evidence provided, climate migration is a global issue, but one that is highly contextual. Environmental, socio-economic, and livelihood conditions determine different responses to migration. This makes it important to tailor interventions to the local conditions.

3.4 Disciplinary approaches of reviewed studies

Environmental studies primarily conceptualize migration as a response to biophysical pressures, emphasizing rainfall variability, land degradation, and extreme weather as direct triggers. In contrast, social science and migration studies interpret migration as a socially embedded decision, highlighting perceptions, household strategies, and gendered dimensions of resilience. This disciplinary divide shows that while environmental research explains what drives movement, social research clarifies how people experience and respond to those drivers (see Table 2).

Table 2. Disciplinary approaches of reviewed articles.

Similarly, policy and governance scholarship reframes migration as a structural issue, demonstrating how disaster management, migration governance, and institutional responses can either mitigate or exacerbate vulnerability. Public health and gender-focused studies further broaden this understanding, demonstrating that migration also shapes wellbeing, access to services, and equity. Finally, econometric and demographic analyses contribute quantitative evidence on migration trends and causal relationships but often overlook the social and policy context. Overall, the disciplinary clusters indicate that climate-induced migration is shaped not only by environmental triggers but also by social, economic, and institutional factors, underscoring the need for integrated frameworks that link these dimensions, particularly for highly vulnerable groups, such as those in Small Island Developing States (SIDS).

3.5 Qualitative analysis

3.5.1 Word cloud frequently occurring terms

The word cloud shown in Figure 4 provides a visual representation of frequently occurring keywords from literature discussing climate-induced migration and adaptation. The occurrence of “climate” and “migration” implies that both are vital concepts covered in this corpus. Additionally, the occurrence of other related words such as “adaptation,” “environmental,” “change,” and “people” shows that the dataset considers various aspects of how environmental factors influence migration patterns.

Besides, the occurrence of “livelihoods,” “vulnerability,” “development,” and “water” shows that there are various socio-economic and environmental challenges associated with such environmental threats to human survival. The frequent occurrence of “research,” “study,” and “conditions” shows that the selected literature is grounded in a strong theoretical background that emphasizes academic and policy-oriented discussions on the topic under consideration.

3.5.2 Thematic coding matrix of key themes

In Table 3, the research analysis shows multiple considerations regarding community vulnerabilities and adaptive measures among the examined studies. Mallick et al. (2022) devote significant attention (coding reference 73) to livelihood vulnerabilities together with adaptation strategies (coding reference 68), thus showing detailed examinations of both issues and their corresponding adaptive solutions.

Table 3. Thematic coding referencing matrix of key themes.

The work by Parsons and Chann (2019) demonstrates balanced approaches according to the analysis with 60 vulnerabilities and 62 strategies. The research articles Prasain (2018) and Ashraf et al. (2021) scored lower because they focused on limited or less complete discussions. The research shows that adaptation strategies have similar frequencies to the livelihood vulnerabilities, so researchers can properly link discovered vulnerabilities to specific adaptive responses. A few studies demonstrate notable asymmetries because researchers use different methods throughout the literature.

3.6 Thematic categories

To reiterate, this systematic review encompassed two overarching concepts about climate migrants: livelihood vulnerability and adaptation strategies. The analysis identified six themes and 23 sub-themes related to livelihood vulnerability, as well as six themes and 24 sub-themes related to adaptation strategies. These findings are summarized in Table 4 for livelihood vulnerability and Table 5 for adaptation strategies.

Table 4. Summary of the livelihood vulnerabilities, explored through a systematic review of identified documents.

Table 5. Summary of the adaptation strategies, explored through a systematic review of the selected articles.

Table 4 highlights six key dimensions of livelihood vulnerability: economic, social, environmental, health, cultural, and political. The most prevalent problems are loss of livelihood and economic insecurity, demonstrating that migration frequently does not guarantee financial stability but rather exacerbates job and income problems, particularly in urban areas. Social networks and support systems are upset by migration, which makes vulnerable groups more stressed and marginalized. Risks to the environment and human health, like substandard housing, contaminated water, and disease exposure, show that many migrants move into new vulnerable areas. Politically and culturally, dwindling customs, gender disparity, and a lack of institutional support demonstrate that adaptation entails identity and governance just as much as survival. These results emphasize that climate-driven migration is both adaptive and disruptive, necessitating inclusive policies that improve livelihood opportunities, urban resilience, and social protection.

The six main dimensions of climate-induced migration adaptation, economic, social, environmental, health, cultural, and political, are compiled in Table 5. The results demonstrate that adaptation is a multifaceted process that combines institutional and individual efforts. In order to restore economic stability, migrants prioritize resource management, diversification of their sources of income, and availability of financial assistance. While environmental and health strategies focus on sustainability, wellbeing, and mental resilience, social and cultural adaptations enhance community networks, integration, and identity preservation. Broader social protection is ensured by political measures such as gender-inclusive governance and institutional support. In general, an integrated, cross-sectoral strategy that fosters resilience through social inclusion, economic empowerment, environmental management, and inclusive governance is necessary for effective adaptation.

3.7 Livelihood vulnerability of climate migrants

Scholars have acknowledged and explored the diverse, complex, and interconnected dimensions of livelihood vulnerability, as illustrated in Table 4. McMichael et al.'s (2022) comprehensive study stands out in this regard, as it identifies the various economic, social, environmental, health, and cultural dimensions of migrants' livelihood vulnerability. However, their investigation omitted the political dimension, highlighting a gap in their research. Comparatively, Islam et al.'s (2014) study had a narrower focus, concentrating solely on four distinct dimensions of vulnerability (e.g., economic, environmental, health, and political), excluding the social and cultural aspects. Another 11 influential scholarly works, including those by Sulagna and Poyyamoly (2011), Rahman et al. (2015), Stojanov et al. (2016), and Ngo et al. (2022), were found to significantly contribute to understanding three distinct aspects of livelihood vulnerabilities. On the other hand, seven studies, including those by Stal (2011), Colten et al. (2018), Jha et al. (2018), Radel et al. (2018), Jacobson et al. (2019), Surie and Sharma (2019), and Parsons and Nielsen (2021), emphasized only two aspects of vulnerability each. Prasain (2018) exclusively examined economic livelihood vulnerability, while Chidakwa et al. (2020) focused on the social aspect. Meanwhile. Gray et al. (2020) and Entzinger and Scholten (2022) directed their attention towards environmental vulnerability.

However, the studies reviewed focused on specific facets of vulnerability, offering comprehensive insights into the diverse vulnerabilities faced by individuals compelled to migrate due to climate change. According to the analytical distinction upheld in the literature, the livelihood vulnerabilities listed below are only interpreted within the context of climate-related risks. Therefore, vulnerabilities are only considered climate-induced when they are associated with climate-driven phenomena, such as flooding, cyclones, droughts, salt expansion, and temperature variability (Rahman et al., 2015). Based on the systematic review results, the principal themes of livelihood vulnerability are economic, social, environmental, health, cultural, and political. These overarching themes contain sub-themes (refer to Table 4) that entail a deeper exploration of the various factors contributing to the livelihood vulnerability faced by climate-induced migrants. The following sub-sections explain each theme in detail

3.7.1 Economic vulnerability

Numerous studies, as cited in Table 4, shed light on the economic vulnerabilities associated with climate-induced migration. These reviewed articles reveal that climatic events frequently result in the loss of livelihoods and assets. Households residing in disaster-prone regions face substantial economic setbacks, including property loss, debt, unemployment, and subsequent poverty, often compelling them to consider migration. Consequently, the predominant challenge of economic insecurity for these migrants primarily stems from income loss and reduced employment opportunities in their new resettlement areas. These challenges not only exacerbate poverty but also curtail access to necessities.

Stojanov et al. (2016) and Parsons and Chann (2019) emphasize the significance of income diversification as a means to improve economic stability. Similar findings were also echoed by Colten et al. (2018) and Radel et al. (2018). These findings draw a clear connection between income loss and restricted access to natural resources, particularly affecting those reliant on common-pool resources. Furthermore, seven reviewed studies shed light on the obstacles faced by migrants in their new environments, including skill mismatches, limited income prospects, and increased living costs, particularly when relocating to urban areas. Low-skilled migrants often encounter difficulties in securing employment due to linguistic, cultural, and economic barriers. Food insecurity presents another concern stemming from income loss, further exacerbating livelihood vulnerability. Indeed, Sulagna and Poyyamoly (2011) and Islam et al. (2014) emphasized the correlation between food insecurity and economic conditions, reaffirming the multifaceted economic challenges that climate-induced migrants confront in their new places of residence.

3.7.2 Social vulnerability

Six reviewed studies highlight the impact of climate-induced migration on social networks, particularly emphasizing the significant issue of social isolation. Individuals who migrate often experience weakened connections with friends, family, and their community, resulting in a loss of social support and reduced access to essential services. Haeffner et al. (2018) and Jha et al. (2018) emphasized the heightened sense of loneliness experienced by migrants as a consequence of such displacement, which can lead to various health problems. However, the social challenges faced by migrants extend beyond isolation. Research conducted by Colten et al. (2018) and Parsons and Nielsen (2021) sheds light on issues such as discrimination, societal exclusion, and marginalization. These challenges, compounded by weakened social ties and biases within host communities, can give rise to numerous mental and physical health complications, as noted by Jha et al. (2018), Ngo et al. (2022), and Zander and Garnett (2020). Migrants' societal integration is hindered by these vulnerabilities, especially with limited social support and the absence of robust social safety nets, as observed by Ngo et al. (2022). Without solid safety nets, migrants' vulnerability increases while their ability to adapt to challenges decreases. In conclusion, nurturing resilient social networks and providing comprehensive societal support are essential to mitigate the adverse effects of climate-induced migration and address the underlying social vulnerabilities.

According to the reviewed studies, metropolitan locations are especially complicated places where climate migrants encounter several vulnerabilities due to fragmented social networks, poor housing, informal labor marketplaces, and a lack of political representation. Research demonstrates that, in contrast to climate-related vulnerabilities at their place of origin, migrants frequently experience new types of precarity upon arrival in urban areas, such as unstable employment, higher living expenses, and regulatory exclusion. The information gap mentioned in the introduction is highlighted by the small number of studies that specifically examine these destination-specific difficulties.

3.7.3 Environmental vulnerability

Reviewing 11 studies (Refer to Table 4), several prominent environmental challenges emerge for migrants, including natural disasters and reduced access to vital natural resources. The broader picture of environmental degradation, including deforestation, presents challenges beyond the loss of trees; it threatens biodiversity and the availability of crucial resources for these migrants. Notably, a growing scarcity of clean water hampers consumption, intensifying the vulnerabilities faced by migrants (Islam et al., 2014; Stojanov et al., 2016). Islam et al. (2014) and Parsons and Chann (2019) further show that climate-induced changes can contaminate traditional water sources, leading to health issues and economic strain. The absence of clean drinking water intensifies vulnerabilities, often driving communities towards urban areas with better water supply. Moreover, environmental challenges directly influence people's living standards, particularly in regions where natural resources are indispensable for survival. Infrastructure damage, crop loss, and population displacement create an environment filled with uncertainty. While factors such as cyclones, floods, rising sea levels, and increased salinity trigger migration, the genuine concern lies in how these events further jeopardize the security of displaced individuals and households. Communities, especially those dependent on farming or marine activities, not only experience physical displacement but also the disruption of their socio-economic fabric. In a nutshell, the literature consistently underscores the environmental challenges and livelihood struggles of communities grappling with climate-induced migrations, especially in regions inherently tied to natural resources.

3.7.4 Health vulnerability

Among the reviewed articles, only five articles specifically focus on health vulnerabilities associated with migrant livelihoods. A recurrent theme across these studies is the heightened health risks confronting migrants, encompassing both physical and mental ailments exacerbated by limited access to essential healthcare services. Stal (2011) and Islam et al. (2014) reveal the barriers migrants face in obtaining medical care, which can result from changes in location, financial constraints, or unfamiliarity with local healthcare systems. These barriers can potentially escalate minor health concerns into more serious conditions. Stojanov et al. (2016) and McMichael et al. (2022) emphasize the substandard living conditions often faced by migrants, characterized by overcrowding and inadequate sanitation, which contribute to the proliferation of diseases. This observation is further supported by Islam et al. (2014) and Ngo et al. (2022), who point to prevalent health issues such as malnutrition, diarrheal diseases, and vector-borne illnesses. These health problems are frequently linked to insufficient access to clean water, proper sanitation facilities, and the changing environmental conditions brought about by climate-induced migration. Such health and financial burdens can impede migrants’ upward mobility and their ability to integrate into new communities. Moreover, Ngo et al. (2022) and McMichael et al. (2022) shed light on the mental health impacts of migration, indicating the prevalence of stress, anxiety, and depression stemming from the traumas associated with relocation and the loss of community bonds. The scarcity of mental health services worsens emotional and psychological challenges, hindering migrants' integration and overall well-being in their new environments. In short, climate-induced migrations magnify a spectrum of health vulnerabilities, leading to the urgent need for comprehensive and accessible healthcare responses.

3.7.5 Cultural vulnerability

Insights on cultural vulnerability were drawn from six of the 28 reviewed articles. Four articles (Table 4) delved into the potential erosion of cultural traditions and identities experienced by migrants. The loss of cultural elements extends beyond symbolism, encompassing traditional rituals and practices that serve as the very foundation of individual identity. When migrants are uprooted from their native lands, they often leave behind not only physical places but also crucial cultural markers. They may find it challenging to preserve these traditions in their new environments, leading to a profound sense of dislocation and alienation. These feelings, in turn, hinder their assimilation into new communities. Shi et al. (2019) and Surie and Sharma (2019) explained the far-reaching consequences of this cultural upheaval, shedding light on issues such as heritage loss, fractured community bonds, and heightened psychological distress. Furthermore, Shi et al. (2019) and Johnson et al. (2022) asserted the difficulties migrants face when adapting to unfamiliar traditions and societal norms, which can exacerbate feelings of disconnection.

The presence of gender disparities within climate-induced migration is another significant theme that emerged from the reviewed literature. Three articles (Table 4), including those authored by Call et al. (2017) and Surie and Sharma (2019), emphasize the vulnerabilities experienced by women, particularly those hailing from resource-bound communities. The convergence of climatic stressors with deeply ingrained societal norms exacerbates the challenges faced by women migrants. These challenges include restricted access to resources, limited economic opportunities, heightened risk of gender-based violence, and diminished decision-making roles. Women migrants contend with increased vulnerability to exploitation and the constraints imposed by societal norms that may curtail their freedoms. For example, adapting to a new culture can pose additional hurdles for women, especially when they encounter stricter societal norms in their new environment. These gender nuances compound the broader cultural vulnerabilities associated with migration.

3.7.6 Political vulnerability

This review shows the multifaceted political challenges that climate migrants face, emphasizing the urgent need for effective interventions to ensure their sustainable integration and well-being. Among the reviewed articles, only seven articles explored climate migrants' political challenges. Sulagna and Poyyamoly (2011) and Islam et al. (2014) draw attention to migrants' lack of access to essential services such as housing, healthcare, sanitation, and education. This is not merely a gap in services but a deliberate exclusion of this population from crucial political arenas. Often, the denial of such services resonates with broader human rights violations, suggesting an encroachment upon their fundamental rights. As observed by Thomas and Benjamin (2018), climate migrants are confronted with severe human rights infringements, spanning from physical threats to the denial of basic rights. Such scenarios often stem from the absence of dedicated legal frameworks catering to climate migrants, leaving them vulnerable to mistreatment.

Adding another layer to the discussion, Haeffner et al. (2018) highlight the glaring absence of support for these migrants from local government bodies, as they are often treated like other types of migrants. In cases where climate-induced migration deserves special attention, the lack of support from local governance increases their vulnerabilities. This situation presents significant challenges in tandem with tensions arising from their integration into new communities. Studies by Rahman et al. (2015) and Jacobson et al. (2019) investigated how migrants entering resource-strapped areas can trigger disputes, typically centred on resource allocation, cultural differences, and socioeconomic tensions. These conflicts, which result from political neglect and existing constraints, further amplify the vulnerabilities of the migrants. Moreover, depending on international aid, particularly in politically unstable regions, presents an unstable lifeline for these migrants. Their dependence, coupled with unpredictable policy shifts, can further jeopardize their resilience and well-being.

3.7.7 Place-based and historically rooted vulnerabilities

Place-dependent, influenced by socio-spatial disparities at the point of origin and the point of destination, institutional capacity, and environmental exposure. Numerous studies highlight that vulnerability is influenced by both the origin and destination of migrants in addition to climatic hazards (Islam et al., 2014; Rahman et al., 2015; Stojanov et al., 2016). For example, migrants from coastal and deltaic regions, like Bangladesh, India, or small island states, are more vulnerable to cyclones, salt intrusion, and riverbank erosion, which degrade property and necessitate relocation (Islam et al., 2014). Due to financial limitations and restricted tenure rights, they frequently settle in flood-prone informal settlements or environmentally hazardous urban peripheries after being resettled (Colten et al., 2018). Poor drainage, a lack of infrastructure, a dense population, and limited access to water and sanitation are all problems in these spatially marginalized areas that exacerbate health burdens and livelihood insecurity (Ngo et al., 2022; Rahman et al., 2015).

Communities that are regularly faced with threats such as cyclones and flood hazards, riverbank erosion, intrusion of salinity, and livelihood losses tend to suffer from a slow depletion of resources, social network breakdowns, and decreasing adaptive strategies. In destination sites, migrants may become vulnerable to new site-specific threats, which can include informal shelter, insecure land tenure, poor sanitation facilities, lack of basic services, and non-inclusion within formal labour sectors. The structural role of historical marginalization in determining the vulnerability of climate migrants was a significant omission in previous iterations of this section, as the reviewer pointed out. According to the reviewed studies, long-standing exclusionary patterns associated with caste, ethnicity, indigenous identity, and minority status have a significant impact on livelihood vulnerability (Jacobson et al., 2019; Parsons and Chann, 2019; Radel et al., 2018). In South Asia and Latin America, most climate-vulnerable populations are members of oppressed castes, ethnic minorities, or indigenous groups that have historically been confined to ecologically fragile lands because of socio-political exclusion, colonial legacies, and discriminatory land allocation (Parsons and Nielsen, 2021; Prasain, 2018).

According to Jacobson et al. (2019), historically marginalized communities in migrant-receiving areas have unequal access to public services, political representation, social protection, and labor markets. Their only options for a living are usually low-paying, dangerous jobs, which perpetuates intergenerational vulnerability (Colten et al., 2018; Stal, 2011). Their participation in community institutions is further restricted by social discrimination, which makes it difficult for them to secure equitable resources or have an impact on adaptation decisions.

3.7.8 Gender based vulnerability

The gender dimension cuts across livelihood vulnerability during climate-induced migration. The literature reveals that there is a differential exposure and sensitivity of women and men to migration risks due to disparities in the availability of resources such as land, credit, education, jobs, mobility, information, networks, and decision-making rights (Adhikari and Ghimire, 2025). The literature indicates that migrating women can experience barriers in accessing stable employment, controlling their earnings, bearing extra burdens of caregiving, residing in poor-quality accommodation, and being vulnerable to violence and harassment in new destinations. On the other hand, the process of migration can transform gender dynamics through empowering women in income earning, decision-making, and social connections where appropriate institutions exist (Adhikari and Ghimire, 2025). The gendered vulnerability of women migrants' links with economic insecurity, health hazards, political marginalization, and adaptation strategies. Climate change adaptation strategies for displaced people need to consider the inclusion of women in accessing employment, safe shelters, health facilities, legal documents, social assistance, skill acquisition, and governance (Anania et al., 2026; World Bank, 2024).

Women's ability to rebuild their livelihoods is hampered by their limited access to land, credit, and productive resources, whereas men occasionally have greater access to wage labor markets (Call et al., 2017). These dynamics highlight how exposure, sensitivity, and adaptive capacity are influenced by gendered power structures in addition to climatic events, which shape livelihood vulnerability. These groups frequently do not have official land titles, which limits their access to post-disaster aid, compensation, and relocation rights (Rahman et al., 2015). The issue of gender plays an important role in the problem of climate change-related migration, making people exposed to different factors unequally and differently. Gender norms tend to make women more vulnerable; at the same time, migration processes contribute to changing the roles of people involved in livelihood activities and decision-making.

3.8 Adaptation strategies of climate migrants

As presented in Table 5, this systematic review sought to identify climate migrants' livelihood adaptation strategies, which is an extensive and multifaceted field of research. Islam et al.'s (2014) comprehensive study covered various adaptation areas, from economic to political. However, they failed to address cultural adaptation strategies. Conversely, McMichael et al. (2022) considered the cultural angle but omitted the discussion of political strategies, highlighting a research gap. Shi et al. (2019) also performed a comprehensive analysis but did not incorporate health-related adaptation strategies. Some researchers, such as Rahman et al. (2015) and Colten et al. (2018), zoomed in on specific dimensions, offering detailed but narrow insights compared to broader studies. In similar focused research, Stal (2011), Jacobson et al. (2019), Surie and Sharma (2019), and Ngo et al. (2022) each emphasized three critical facets of adaptation. Meanwhile, studies by Stojanov et al. (2016) and others narrowed their focus to just two strategies, providing an in-depth exploration of specific adaptation intersections between livelihood and climate. Both In contrast to a traditional environmental focus, Prasain (2018) and Johnson et al. (2022) viewed relocation as an institutional spatial approach whose success depended on several factors: governance, land use, livelihood reconstruction, and service delivery, and thus would either diminish or reproduce vulnerability. However, despite the wealth of insights available, some studies did not clearly define any specific adaptation strategy related to climate-induced migration, symbolizing the complexity of the subject and the ongoing need for further exploration. A careful distinction between coping and adaptation is necessary, as the literature frequently merges the two categories (Black et al., 2013; Warner and Afifi, 2014). To maintain conceptual rigor, this review applies a two-tier classification: (1) short-term coping mechanisms, which address immediate livelihood shocks, and (2) long-term adaptation strategies, which strengthen resilience and reduce structural vulnerability in line with IPCC (2014) guidance. Only the latter are categorized as “adaptation strategies” in this section. Moreover, several factors commonly labeled in prior studies as “strategies”, such as social networks, community cohesion, and access to information, are more accurately understood as determinants of adaptive capacity (Adger, 2003; Eakin and Luers, 2006). These enablers support adaptation but do not constitute adaptation strategies themselves.

Understanding and categorizing livelihood adaptation strategies is essential for developing effective approaches to support vulnerable communities and promote sustainable livelihoods. Through this review, six adaptation strategy themes have been identified and can be broadly categorized as measures that individuals employ to manage the stresses on their livelihoods after climate-induced migration. The following subsections explain each theme in detail.

3.8.1 Economic adaptation strategies

Of the 28 articles reviewed, 20 identified various tactics climate migrants employ to enhance economic resilience. A dominant strategy that emerges is livelihood diversification, cited in 12 articles, including those by Islam et al. (2014) and Rahman et al. (2015). This strategy promotes engagement in diverse income-generating activities, distributing risks, and ensuring financial stability amid adaptation challenges in new environments. This is because securing employment in new areas is a significant challenge, as outlined in seven articles, necessitating skill acquisition or adaptation to the demands of the new locale. Another pivotal strategy highlighted by Jha et al. (2018) and Parsons and Chann (2019) is effective resource management. This entails optimizing the use of assets, such as land, water, or energy, to enhance resilience and achieve optimal outcomes.

Access to credit facilities is also crucial for migrants. As noted by Colten et al. (2018) and Delazeri et al. (2022), migrants benefit from both formal and informal credit systems, which can serve immediate needs or support long-term ventures. Remittances, typically sent by family members from different locations, play a vital role as well, as suggested by Radel et al. (2018) and Mallick et al. (2022). These remittances fortify immediate financial needs and boost creditworthiness, contributing to savings and economic resilience when used wisely (Surie and Sharma, 2019). Additionally, the ability to store food is essential, according to Islam et al. (2014). By preserving food for lean times, migrants can maintain sustenance during periods of low income or when food prices rise. Successful food storage is often linked to economic stability, which can fund the establishment of storage facilities. In summary, this review highlights the adaptability of climate-affected migrants, specifically their resilience and determination to navigate climate-driven adversities by employing a variety of economic strategies.

3.8.2 Social determinants of adaptive capacity

Twenty articles identified (Table 5), including Rahman et al. (2015) and Radel et al. (2018), emphasize the crucial role played by social networks and community support in helping migrants manage challenges. These networks provide not just connections but also invaluable assistance, knowledge, resources, and emotional support to migrants. Ngo et al. (2022) highlighted the complexities migrants face when integrating into new communities, wherein understanding sociocultural nuances becomes crucial. Chidakwa et al. (2020) elucidated the critical role of social safety nets in offering essential services to address migration challenges. Knowledge about these services, as emphasized in studies like Islam et al. (2014), empowers migrants to make informed decisions. This knowledge also enables migrants to prioritize crucial areas, such as their children's education. Studies by Jacobson et al. (2019) and Gray et al. (2020) highlight the transformative power of education in integration and upward mobility. Education extends beyond academics; it serves as a pathway to skill development and capacity-building. Moreover, researchers like Shi et al. (2019) argue that with the right skills, migrants can secure better employment opportunities, ultimately improving their socio-economic status. It is also not limited to formal education; as argued by Jha et al. (2018), today's younger generation must also acquire modern skills and technological literacy. In the current digital age, migrants with technological proficiency, as observed by Islam et al. (2014), are better equipped to navigate unfamiliar environments and leverage opportunities. In essence, this review upholds the pivotal roles of community support, education, and technological proficiency in addressing the societal shifts brought about by climate-induced migration.

Although social networks, familial relationships, community support networks, and social safety nets are highlighted in many reviewed studies, these factors largely serve as determinants of adaptive capacity rather than adaptation strategies in and of themselves (Adger, 2003; Eakin and Luers, 2006). By enabling access to information, credit, labor exchange, and mobility options, social capital improves a household's capacity for adaptation (Putnam, 2000; Barnett and O'neill, 2010). These networks, however, do not by themselves represent long-term responses to climate hazards.

Strong community embeddedness, for instance, aids migrants in navigating unfamiliar environments, but the networks themselves act as facilitators rather than tactics, as shown by studies like Rahman et al. (2015) and Radel et al. (2018). Similarly, Chidakwa et al. (2020) point out that safety-net programs lessen immediate hardship, but they also help households become more adaptable rather than acting as an adaptation. Digital literacy and technological knowledge (Islam et al., 2014; Jha et al., 2018), as well as access to education (Gray et al., 2020; Jacobson et al., 2019), are other commonly mentioned examples that enhance migrants' ability to implement adaptation, but they fall short of the requirements for long-term, structural livelihood modification. These should therefore be categorized as capacity-building factors, consistent with the adaptive capacity framework of Smit and Wandel (2006) and IPCC (2014).

In summary, this review distinguishes between social enablers that expand adaptive capacity and actual adaptation strategies implemented by migrant households. This distinction prevents conceptual slippage and aligns the analysis with the broader literature on climate adaptation, which emphasizes that adaptive capacity is a precursor to, rather than a substitute for, adaptation (Adger et al., 2009; IPCC, 2014).

3.8.3 Environmental adaptation strategies

In this review, 13 out of the 28 studies express the significance of environmental adaptation in addressing vulnerabilities related to migration. One of the key findings is the critical role played by water and soil management. Five notable studies, including those conducted by Islam et al. (2014) and Delazeri et al. (2022), highlight the benefits of rainwater harvesting, innovative irrigation methods, and soil conservation practices. These techniques help mitigate the adverse impacts of climate change, particularly on agricultural sectors. By ensuring a consistent water supply, improving soil quality, and increasing agricultural yields, these practices enhance food security and overall living standards, demonstrating the interconnectedness of environmental health, livelihood sustainability, and community well-being. Stal's (2011) work stands apart for advocating comprehensive environmental management, encompassing sustainable land use, biodiversity conservation, and afforestation. Recognizing the limitations of isolated measures, the researcher promotes an overarching environmental strategy to bolster communities against climate-related threats. Articles by Rahman et al. (2015) and Entzinger and Scholten (2022) reinforce this perspective, supporting the crucial role of Disaster Risk Reduction (DRR) tactics in mitigating the adversities associated with climate change.

The topic of relocation emerges as a nuanced issue in 10 studies, viewed as a response to the severe conditions forcing communities to move and as a catalyst for sociocultural and economic upheavals. Relocation qualifies as an environmental adaptation measure only when it is directly related to addressing climate or environmental risks like frequent floods, cyclones, encroachment of saline water, coastal erosion, erosion of river banks, and/or hazardous settlements. The main purpose of relocation could be reducing physical risks and allowing people to live in a safe place or adopt better ways of earning. Notwithstanding this, relocation does not necessarily constitute adaptation. In this sense, this article considers relocation as an adaptive strategy that can yield positive outcomes based on effective planning, livelihoods, social integration, culture, and basic needs fulfillment.

Works by McMichael et al. (2022) and Shi et al. (2019) navigate this complex territory, asserting that while relocation may be a viable solution in some contexts, it requires careful planning to avoid associated pitfalls. In summary, this review stresses the central importance of environmental adaptation in strengthening communities against the challenges arising from climate-induced migrations and livelihood transformations.

3.8.4 Health adaptation strategies

In several studies, the health impacts of climate-induced migration, including both physical and psychological dimensions, are closely linked to adaptation strategies. Table 6 occasionally conflates vulnerability and impacts; however, five studies in Table 5 specifically focus on health-centered adaptation strategies. Research by Islam et al. (2014) and Zander and Garnett (2020) highlights the urgent need for migrants, particularly those displaced by environmental disruptions, to have unrestricted access to healthcare services, as robust health provision is essential for maintaining physical and psychological well-being. Migrants with better health are more resilient, enabling them to navigate the challenges of relocation and adaptation effectively. Core health strategies include access to general healthcare, preventive measures such as vaccinations and routine screenings, and early interventions to mitigate disease risks, which are often heightened in new environments. Ngo et al. (2022) further emphasize that consistent access to healthcare strengthens overall well-being, which is vital during climate-induced relocations.

Table 6. Comprehensive overview of livelihood vulnerability themes and corresponding adaptation strategies.

Psychological well-being is another critical dimension. Studies by Ngo et al. (2022) and McMichael et al. (2022) highlight the emotional strains associated with leaving familiar surroundings, facing uncertainties in new environments, and adapting to novel challenges. These stressors underscore the importance of community and familial support systems, which act as protective buffers against mental distress, enhancing migrants’ resilience. Strong social networks enable migrants to cope more effectively with environmental changes, illustrating that psychological and social support are integral components of adaptation strategies. In summary, this review underscores that health-focused adaptation strategies, encompassing both physical healthcare and psychosocial support, are indispensable for migrants confronting climate-induced relocation, reinforcing the need for integrated approaches that address both bodily and mental well-being.

3.8.5 Cultural adaptation strategies

Seven reviewed articles (Out of 28) specifically focus on adaptation methods that are culturally tailored. Culture, which is intrinsic to individual identities and interactions, plays a pivotal role during migration when navigating the local and ethnic nuances of a new community becomes paramount. The extent to which one integrates into the cultural fabric of a new community often determines societal acceptance, as highlighted by Colten et al. (2018) and Haeffner et al. (2018). Effective integration can also unlock socio-economic opportunities and foster a sense of belonging, whereas failure to adapt may lead to estrangement. Beyond mere adjustment, migrants may actively participate in and embrace the host's traditions. Shi et al. (2019) and McMichael et al. (2022) call for a deliberate and respectful blending of migrants with the existing cultural landscape. This goes beyond mere assimilation; it involves valuing and preserving the unique identities of migrants to ensure seamless cultural transitions. Furthermore, integrating local traditions into adaptation strategies is vital. As suggested by Shi et al. (2019) and McMichael et al. (2022), local customs encompass invaluable, time-tested techniques in areas like resource management, social cohesion, and conflict resolution. Leveraging these traditions can significantly increase the effectiveness of adaptation measures.

Additionally, this review underscores the gender perspective of adaptation. Research by Call et al. (2017), Surie and Sharma (2019), and Van Praag et al. (2021) illuminates the diverse experiences of different genders in climate-induced migrations. Given the distinct roles, responsibilities, and dynamics associated with gender, it is imperative to design adaptation approaches that acknowledge and address these complexities, ensuring fairness and effectiveness. In summary, adaptations based on cultural understanding not only safeguard community identities but also enhance resilience to climatic challenges by respecting and leveraging local practices, customs, and gender perspectives.

3.8.6 Political adaptation strategies

Seven of the 28 reviewed articles highlight the pivotal role of political measures in managing climate-induced displacements. A central strategy that emerges from this body of research is the imperative of ensuring access to essential services. Notably, Haeffner et al. (2018) and Shi et al. (2019) call for government initiatives to secure consistent access to essential services such as healthcare, education, sanitation, and housing for communities affected by climate change. These foundational services provide immediate relief and serve as the cornerstone for long-term resilience and rehabilitation for those displaced due to climate change. The literature also underscores the invaluable roles played by governmental and non-governmental organizations in providing support to migrants. Studies by Stal (2011), Islam et al. (2014), and Jacobson et al. (2019) point out the indispensable contributions of these entities in pooling resources, knowledge, and policy influence. Their capacity to mobilize tangible and intangible support significantly boosts the adaptive capabilities of affected communities. Moreover, their participation often strengthens local adaptation initiatives, resulting in a collective outcome that surpasses individual efforts. Parsons and Nielsen (2021) lauded these collaborative efforts for building resilience against climate-induced migrations.

The review also points to the potency of local political engagement. Encouraging community involvement in political dialogues and policymaking is not only reflective of democratic principles but also constitutes a pragmatic adaptation approach. When communities have a say in shaping policy decisions, those policies are more likely to resolve their unique challenges and needs. As Rahman et al. (2015) noted, such community-centric policies are critical for maintaining relevance and effectiveness in addressing climate-induced migrations. Effectively addressing climate-induced migrations necessitates robust political strategies and a focus on effective governance, collaboration, and local engagement. These approaches mitigate the impacts of climate change and pave the way for a resilient future for those displaced by climatic events.

3.9 The relationships between livelihood vulnerabilities and adaptation strategies

Table 6 captures the livelihood vulnerabilities and their corresponding adaptation strategies, with the credited authors or sources for each strategy. This meticulous analysis has revealed the complexity of migrants' experiences, showcasing their multifaceted vulnerabilities and their interconnectedness with diverse adaptation strategies. The vulnerabilities and strategies encompass economic, social, environmental, health, cultural, and political dimensions, shedding light on the interplay linking the two concepts when migrants transition to new environments (Parsons and Nielsen, 2021; Radel et al., 2018).

Importantly, these vulnerabilities interrelate and often compound one another, signifying the need for a holistic approach to adaptation. For instance, economic challenges such as income loss are intertwined with social disruptions, illustrating the cyclical relationship between the hardships faced by migrants and the strategies they employ (Rahman et al., 2015). Economic insecurities can exacerbate social isolation, prompting migrants to seek social networks for support (Gray et al., 2020; Rahman et al., 2015). These interwoven challenges emphasize the importance of interrelated adaptation strategies that recognize the balance between various vulnerabilities. For example, the frequently proposed strategy of livelihood diversification addresses multiple economic vulnerabilities, ranging from income loss to a lack of diversification (Islam et al., 2014). However, these economic vulnerabilities are not isolated; they are closely connected with social dislocations, environmental resource limitations, and broader political contexts (Haeffner et al., 2018; Rahman et al., 2015). Similarly, the emphasis on social networks and community support acknowledges these connections' pivotal role in alleviating social isolation and achieving economic stability and well-being (Colten et al., 2018; Rahman et al., 2015).

Likewise, environmental challenges do not exist on their own. Natural disasters, limited access to resources, and shifting environmental conditions often correlate with economic hardships and frequently trigger migration (Islam et al., 2014; Stal, 2011). Environmental management and relocation strategies effectively address vulnerabilities arising from natural disasters, resource access issues, and changing environmental conditions, indicating their ecological and economic relevance (Islam et al., 2014; Johnson et al., 2022; Stal, 2011). These proactive approaches by migrants reflect their resilience and demand comprehensive policies that encompass environmental conservation and sustainable resource management. Similarly, the cultural dimension of vulnerability, as outlined in Table 5, underlies the complications of integrating into a new community while maintaining one's traditions. Migrants often face the challenge of potential cultural erosion while striving to adapt to new customs. However, the adaptation strategies highlight a delicate balance between integration and preservation. Migrants are keen on incorporating local traditions while ensuring their cultural practices remain intact (Colten et al., 2018; McMichael et al., 2022). Regarding politics, the lack of access to basic services and the need for support from governmental and non-governmental organizations shed light on the systemic challenges migrants face. Nevertheless, the key takeaway here is the shared responsibility of both host and home countries. Ensuring migrants have access to essential services and cultivating a sense of belonging is not solely the host country's responsibility but requires cooperative bilateral efforts.

As these vulnerabilities and strategies intersect, they call attention to the need for comprehensive policies that address the multifaceted nature of migration issues. Policymakers and stakeholders must grasp the complexities inherent in migration experiences to develop effective strategies that empower migrants to overcome challenges and thrive in their new environment. Understanding and leveraging the interplay of various factors and the dynamism embedded in migration will promote more effective, inclusive, and holistic solutions that remain relevant to evolving migrant requirements and vulnerabilities. Ultimately, recognizing that a one-size-fits-all approach is inadequate, policymakers must pursue adaptable efforts considering the various dimensions of vulnerability. With that, policies can enhance economic opportunities, social integration, cultural preservation, and environmental sustainability, creating an inclusive and conducive environment for migrants' successful assimilation and well-being (Haeffner et al., 2018; Parsons and Nielsen, 2021).

4 Discussion

This systematic review study offers a comprehensive exploration of the vulnerabilities experienced by individuals and households internally displaced due to climate change. This research focused on the challenges migrants encounter as they navigate a complex landscape of socio-economic, institutional, and environmental factors after leaving their places of origin. Additionally, the study examined the diverse adaptation strategies employed by these individuals in response to the vulnerabilities associated with migration. By analyzing 28 relevant studies, this review has identified six themes and 23 sub-themes related to livelihood vulnerability, and six themes and 24 sub-themes of adaptation strategies.

People and their communities must migrate from their traditional homes when environmental disruptions trigger floods, droughts, sea-level rise, and salinization. Moving people away from their homes creates additional problems in their new locations. This concept of vulnerability can be understood as the combination of exposure, sensitivity, and adaptive capacity of systems that are likely to be negatively impacted (Chapagain et al., 2025). Climate migrants from South Asia and Sub-Saharan Africa usually experience multiple forms of economic insecurity after relocating because they lack protection and face significant gaps in institutional support, which leads to persistent poverty. Many studies in this review show that economic vulnerability is the most critical outcome of climate-change-driven migration. The research emphasizes a notable distinction in the migration patterns of migrants cause outcome of climate-change-driven migration by climate change compared to other categories of migrants. Unlike environmental migrants who might migrate overseas to seek economic benefits, political clout, or political tensions, climate migrants tend to migrate within their own countries and move to nearby places or major cities (Huq et al., 2007). This differentiation emphasizes the distinct determinants that propel migration among individuals impacted by climate change, thereby underscoring the necessity for customized policies and support structures. Consequently, this research suggests that migration influenced by environmental variables has evolved beyond conventional environmental “push” theories. Instead, it encompasses a more comprehensive interplay of socio-economic, political, and cultural complexities, as highlighted by Hunter et al. (2015) and Piguet (2013). Internal migration driven by climate change functions not only as a form of displacement but also as an adaptation mechanism for coping with the environment (Romadhona et al., 2026). Migration caused by climate change may also be seen as an example of the economic problems and poverty felt by poor communities as a way of mitigating the effects. From this perspective, climatic shocks and environmental degradation have adverse impacts on the livelihoods of communities, forcing them to migrate to avoid shocks (Kaczan and Orgill-Meyer, 2020; Perry, 2020; Thomas, 2017).

This systematic review argues for the importance of adopting a context-specific approach to comprehending the vulnerability of internal migrants in the face of natural and climatic hazards. Climate-induced migration raises many challenges for individuals compelled to relocate, particularly regarding their economic vulnerability. These economic factors not only jeopardize the overall well-being of disadvantaged migrants and their families but also expose them to greater risks that can adversely affect their welfare. On reaching unfamiliar territories, however, migrants are faced with a host of challenges, which range from the tangible, such as resource shortages, to more abstract issues, like the weakening of their own cultural identities and vulnerability to sexual violence. These challenges can be met through an intersectional lens, which will recognize the link between individual coping mechanisms and systemic barriers in their destinations (Jacobsen, 2002; Thomas, 2017; Khanom et al., 2022). This concept extends beyond mere economic adjustment; it serves as evidence of migrants' resilience, adaptability, and unwavering commitment to achieving stability in the face of broader socio-political inequalities.

Individuals who must move because of displacement face extensive hardships with their land possessions and livelihoods, which intensify during unexpected or hasty migrations (Mallick et al., 2022; Rahman et al., 2015; Onuoha et al., 2026). People who migrate to urban resettlement areas along with ecological frontiers commonly end up in informal employment, which includes unstable, poorly paid, and vulnerable work situations. The gap between previously agricultural skills of migrants and modern urban job requirements accelerates their joblessness and reliability regarding their financial security. This, in turn, increases their reliance on informal loans, remittances, or subsistence strategies such as food storage (Jha et al., 2018; Surie and Sharma, 2019). People within particular socio-economic groups employing adaptive economic strategies like livelihood diversification and resource management still face these options only because they possess specific social capital resources and access to credit and education (Islam et al., 2014; Parsons and Chann, 2019; Ho et al., 2024).

In line with Hunter et al. (2015), the findings of this review propose that migrants face challenges in social integration, leading to feelings of isolation and a weakening of vital community connections. The disruptions in societal structure experienced by migrants call attention to the importance of community networks and technology tools in building social resilience (Colten et al., 2018; Rahman et al., 2015; Stal, 2011; Sulagna and Poyyamoly, 2011; Wen et al., 2025). These networks not only serve as conduits for resource transfer but also provide havens for promoting mental well-being, sharing information, and developing skills, thereby assisting migrants in effectively navigating potential instances of discrimination in unfamiliar environments (Qamar, 2023). Existing literature supports the notion that in the current social setting, community networks play a critical role in facilitating resilience, offering emotional support, and advancing knowledge and technological development (Hayes et al., 2018).

Moreover, the social vulnerabilities that climate migrants encounter are closely intertwined with various other attributes. As Tacoli (2009) noted, economic hardships often exacerbate social marginalization, while cultural disparities can intensify feelings of isolation and prejudice. However, it is crucial to acknowledge that migrants can overcome these divisions through language proficiency and skill development. This adaptation process enables them to build connections, empathy, and social cohesion (Betts and Collier, 2017). Furthermore, these individuals' compromised health and well-being, often due to social isolation and discrimination, emphasize the importance of inclusive policies that recognize their unique circumstances (McAdam, 2012; Schwerdtle et al., 2018). Simultaneously, individuals' migratory behavior can be influenced by environmental factors, shaping their social interactions in unfamiliar environments and highlighting the interconnectedness of their experiences (Black et al., 2011).

The health dimension holds a central position in the discourse surrounding migration. Scholarly investigations indicate that providing comprehensive healthcare services plays a pivotal role in enhancing the resilience of migratory communities (Ridde et al., 2019). Migration-related transitions can also exert physical and mental burdens on individuals as migrants encounter health challenges arising from substandard living conditions, limited access to healthcare, and psychological pressure resulting from trauma or difficulties in adapting to new environments (Schwerdtle et al., 2020). Additionally, there is a growing acknowledgement of the significance of mental well-being within these communities. The important role of social support systems and familial networks in promoting mental well-being (McMichael et al., 2022). The literature has expanded the scope of the discourse on migration, recognizing the interdependence of mental and physical health.

Moreover, migration, influenced by climate and many other factors, presents cultural and identity conundrums for individuals (Pascucci, 2017). Research has illuminated the close relationship between migration narratives and elements of geography, gender, and ethnicity, revealing their profound interconnectedness within the cultural framework. Indigenous knowledge is often embedded within local traditions, which significantly influence the formulation of adaptive strategies in migration (Colten et al., 2018; Haeffner et al., 2018). Climate-induced migrants often find themselves entangled in legal ambiguities due to their habitation in informal settlements within urban areas, which poses challenges in securing fundamental rights. Several studies have emphasized the importance of effective governance in providing essential services and formulating comprehensive policies (Haeffner et al., 2018; Tietjen et al., 2023).

Political vulnerability emerges as the most fundamental among the disadvantages faced by climate migrants because they lack access to legal support, together with state services, as well as governance systems. National frameworks together with international protocols exclude numerous migrants from official recognition, which makes them visible only to the state, hence limiting their opportunities for housing, healthcare, and education (Thomas and Benjamin, 2018). The lack of visibility due to a lack of legal protection fuels both neglect and exploitation of climate migrants, while strained resource competition in host communities creates conflicts mainly in unstable areas (Jacobson et al., 2019). Migrants rarely become politically active through governance or advocacy because they face continued exclusion from official political systems by the state.

The review posits the significant impact of institutional, political, and social contexts on migrants' adaptive strategies. The findings demonstrate that to mitigate vulnerability and promote adaptability among those displaced by climate change, it is imperative to implement effective social support initiatives, create economic opportunities, establish robust political representation, and develop inclusive governance frameworks. Furthermore, context-specific and multi-sectoral interventions are essential in addressing the unique challenges climate migrants face. However, a significant portion of the existing literature primarily examines the flexible approaches employed by individual migrants while giving relatively less attention to exploring collective adaptation techniques employed by migrant groups. It is crucial to recognize the vulnerability of migrants' livelihoods to address the underlying structural and systemic issues, including poverty, inequality, and environmental degradation. Therefore, more empirical research is necessary to gain a comprehensive understanding of the intersecting vulnerabilities experienced by climate migrants and assess the feasibility and effectiveness of the adaptation strategies employed by them. The review demands adaptation frameworks that combine participatory approaches with sensitivity towards gender and understand migration as an appropriate climate adaptation solution instead of crisis management. Under the UNFCCC and the Global Compact for Migration, new global governance systems need to implement operational and legal recognition of climate-related population movements.

Ultimately, this study asserts that understanding the linkage between climate-induced migration and livelihood vulnerability is paramount in shaping policy decisions. To develop effective strategies for addressing the needs of migrants, it is essential to have a comprehensive understanding of their vulnerabilities and strengths (McMichael et al., 2022). This comprehension will enable the formulation of appropriate measures, including the provision of suitable infrastructure and employment opportunities for migrants, as well as the enhancement of rural-urban linkages. Effectively addressing this challenge relies heavily on customized adaptation strategies that integrate indigenous knowledge and personal experiences, facilitating the implementation of interventions deeply rooted in the affected communities. By methodologically distinguishing between migration brought on by climate change and mobility fueled by environmental degradation, this review significantly advances the field. Previous researchers have identified this issue as a primary source of conceptual ambiguity in climate migration research (Chen and Caldeira, 2020). By methodically applying this distinction throughout study selection, coding, and theme interpretation, the review highlights how climate-specific hazards impact livelihood vulnerability and adaptation strategies rather than attributing all forms of environmental stress to climate change. One of the primary contributions of this review is its emphasis on destination dynamics, particularly in urban environments. Although many studies have identified post-immigration vulnerabilities, including limited access to services, precarious informal employment, and cultural or gendered marginalization, the data remains inconsistent. This supports the remark made in the introduction that research on how climate migrants navigate and adapt within destination contexts is inadequately theorized.

This systematic review has several limitations. First, because of resource and translation limitations, the search was limited to peer-reviewed research that was published in English. Regionally significant research may have been left out due to this English-language bias, especially from nations affected by climate change, where crucial insights are published in local languages (Parrish et al., 2020). The thematic findings might therefore underrepresent community-level evidence, local adaptation strategies, and Indigenous knowledge that has been documented outside of the English literature. Second, the review only used the Web of Science and Scopus databases. Despite being extensive academic repositories, these do not include pertinent policy reports, case studies created by development organizations, NGO documents, or grey literature. Grey literature frequently offers important insights into local adaptation experiences and governance gaps, particularly in climate-vulnerable regions, according to earlier studies.

Lastly, only research that was released between 2008 and 2022 was covered. This might leave out new research directions after 2022, especially in the areas of migration-as-adaptation scholarship and adaptation frameworks aligned with AR6 (Maharjan et al., 2020; Cundill et al., 2021). Future reviews should include multi-language databases, grey literature, and broader temporal coverage, and these limitations should be taken into account when interpreting the results.

5 Limitation

Some limitations to this review can be pointed out. Firstly, establishing migration and climate change as directly and solely related is an inherently difficult task due to numerous factors involved in migration decisions. Secondly, while broad terms, such as environmental migration, displacement, or migration following disasters, have been used throughout the process of the search, the actual eligibility criteria emphasized migration with clear connections to climate change and its impacts on livelihoods and adaptation. As a result, some potentially relevant studies that employed another terminology or were concerned mostly with environmental changes, rather than climate change specifically, could not be included in this review. Lastly, the inclusion criteria have been confined to two databases, Scopus and Web of Science, and only peer-reviewed articles written in the period between 2008 and 2022 have been considered.

6 Conclusions and future research direction

In this systematic literature review, the linkages between climate migration, livelihood vulnerability, and adaptation have been explored. The study results indicate that climate migration should be seen as a multifactorial and contextual phenomenon rather than a straightforward result of climate change. Climate change may force people to migrate through various stresses such as floods, cyclones, droughts, salinity intrusion, rising sea levels, coastal erosion, and severe weather events. They affect livelihoods by impacting the availability of natural resources, destroying assets, and affecting household resilience. But migration impacts cannot be understood without considering other factors.

Six core dimensions of livelihood vulnerability were found during the study. They include economic, social, environmental, health, cultural, and political vulnerabilities. Each vulnerability is directly associated with adaptive strategies like livelihood diversification, job security, remittances, natural resource management, social networking, health care services, culture maintenance, relocation, and institutional support. Hence, migration is both an indicator of vulnerability and an adaptive response. The impacts of migration are contingent upon the migrants' capacity to secure livelihoods, housing, services, protection, culture, and governance. On a regional level, the examined literature focuses predominantly on South and Southeast Asia, particularly Bangladesh and other regions threatened by climate change, as well as from Africa, Latin America, the Pacific Islands, North America, and Australia. Examples illustrate the role of different hazards, livelihood systems, gender dynamics, governance capabilities, and destination factors in climate migration. The results call for region-specific policies and a gender perspective in addressing the issue since climate migration can be viewed as both a vulnerability factor and an adaptation strategy.

In the future, scholars are expected to rely on precise terminology, distinguish between environmental and climate-induced migration, analyze changes in vulnerability through migration, and explore whether migration makes people more or less vulnerable to livelihood shocks.

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Footnotes

Edited by: Goran Miladinov, Center for Research and Policy Making, North Macedonia

Reviewed by: Avidan Kent, University of East Anglia, United Kingdom

Laxmi Kant Bhardwaj, Amity University, India