Urban land-use dynamics and changing landscapes in Kano, Nigeria (1950–2020)

1 Introduction

Cities are described as destinations for fulfilling aspirations, homes of prosperity, where people satisfy their basic needs and have access to essential public goods and services (United Nations Human Settlements Programme, 2013). It is also described as humanity’s most complex creation, unfinished and indefinite, and as a continuous journey that never ends (United Nations Human Settlements Programme, 2013). This is attributed to rapid urbanization in many parts of the world. At present, global studies and development reports indicate that the world’s population is becoming increasingly urban, with projections suggesting a continued rise in the proportion of people living in urban areas over the coming decades (United Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Population Division, 2025; Ritchie et al., 2024). According to the United Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Population Division (2025), the percentage of the global urban population has more than doubled, from about 20 percent of the global urban population of about 2.5 billion in 1950 to about 45 percent of the global urban population of 8.2 billion in 2025. The report further reported that Latin America and the Caribbean had the largest urban population, at about 83.8 percent, while Asia and Africa had the smallest, at 49.9 percent and 47.2 percent, respectively. However, with an annual urban population growth rate of about 3.5 percent, the African continent ranks highest among continents for annual urban population growth (United Nations Economic Commission for Africa, 2023). Similarly, the OECD (2020) reported that African cities were the fastest globally in terms of spatial expansion in recent decades. This ongoing urbanization has continued to reshape land-use systems, settlement structures, and environmental conditions, particularly in rapidly growing cities of sub-Saharan Africa (United Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, 2019). This form of urban expansion has been strongly associated with the conversion of agricultural land, fragmentation of urban form (Asabere et al., 2020; Muchelo et al., 2024), increased commuting and infrastructure costs (Baeribameng et al., 2020), and heightened exposure to environmental and climate-related risks (Ofoezie et al., 2022; Cobbinah and Finn, 2023). This signifies the near absence or weak physical planning interventions to regulate these growths (Ngcamu, 2022; Gambe et al., 2023; Haou et al., 2025).

Nigeria represents a critical hotspot of these dynamics, as rapid population growth, economic restructuring, and rural–urban migration continue to intensify land transformation in its major cities (Onatayo and Ajani, 2022; Nwalusi et al., 2022; Worgu and Ikuru, 2026). However, existing planning frameworks struggle to keep pace with demographic and spatial growth, making them a key reference for discussions on urban governance, spatial planning constraints, and the land-use dynamics of most Nigerian cities (Oyesiku, 2010). Kano Municipality, one of the country’s oldest and most economically strategic urban centers, has undergone continuous spatial reconfiguration since the mid-twentieth century, driven by industrial growth, transportation development, and administrative expansion (Mortimore, 2009; Barau et al., 2015). These transformations have, over the years, influenced the nature and form of the city, which was previously traditional.

Koko et al. (2024) identified historical, cultural, environmental, and socio-economic factors as major drivers of Kano’s expansion. However, the authors identify a gap in comprehensive studies on the dynamics of urban growth in the ancient city of Kano. Understanding the city’s transformation from an ancient city to its present metropolitan nature requires an empirical approach. While numerous studies have examined land-use and land cover change in Nigerian cities such as Kano (Akinyemi et al., 2019; Adeboyejo and Abolade, 2021; Okoduwa et al., 2025; Yusuf et al., 2025), most are limited to short time spans or descriptive analyses that inadequately capture long-term growth and spatial variability.

Longitudinal assessments spanning multiple decades are essential for distinguishing between episodic, uneven urban expansion and sustained, structurally consistent growth patterns that demand different planning responses (Herold et al., 2005; Taubenböck et al., 2019). Statistical measures of dispersion, such as deviations from the mean growth rate, provide a robust basis for evaluating whether urban expansion trajectories reflect spatial stability or increasing heterogeneity over time (Luck and Wu, 2002; Batty, 2013). This study, therefore, analyzed land-use dynamics in Kano Municipality between 1950 and 2020 by quantifying the magnitude, direction, and spatial variability of growth across historical periods.

2 Literature review

2.1 Urban land-use dynamics with changing landscapes

Urban Land-Use Dynamics with Changing Landscapes is a key theme in contemporary urban planning (Shao et al., 2021; Kaplan and Holloway, 2024), especially in understanding rapidly urbanizing cities in developing countries like Nigeria, which are characterized by both informal and formal development (Orkpeh and Adedire, 2024; Agbabiaka et al., 2025). Second, an empirical understanding of the transformation of traditional ancient Hausa city from organic to extensive metropolitan settlements characterized by weaker planning mechanisms is imperative (Lobo et al., 2020).

Urban land-use dynamics refer to the processes and patterns of change in how land within urban areas is utilized over time. The concept varies across contexts, often as it is operationalized in fields such as urban planning or urban geography. In geographical terms, the concept refers to the spatial and temporal processes driven by human interaction, such as population growth, economic development, and environmental change (Wu et al., 2024). By contrast, from an urban planning perspective, it is seen as the spatial growth of cities driven by policies on landuse control, planning standards, and other physical planning measures (Haghani et al., 2023; Maimaiti et al., 2025). Given its applicability to cities in developing nations, where formal and informal planning regulations coexist, the dynamics of these cities could be shaped by demographic pressures, economic development, infrastructure, policy, and institutional frameworks. One effect of urban land-use dynamics in developing countries, especially in sub-Saharan Africa, is the spatial expansion of cities. According to Pacione (2009) and UN-Habitat (2020), understanding these dynamics is essential for effective spatial planning and sustainable city management, particularly in developing nations undergoing rapid urban transformation, given the opportunities and challenges they face.

Given the recent rapid population growth in Africa’s developing nations and the global trend toward urbanization, the expectation for continued growth is sacrosanct. While Zimmer et al. (2020), Jiang et al. (2021), and Huang and Xiao (2025) posited that most of the growth was outward, the outpacing of infrastructure and planning capacity was identified as a major challenge (Fadda, 2024; Haou et al., 2025; Das et al., 2026). Empirical studies show that such growth is often uneven and spatially heterogeneous. For instance, rapid development tends to concentrate toward the major transportation routes and activity areas in towns and cities, while slow growth is expected in areas with little activity (Liang et al., 2025). These patterns reflect the influence of economic, infrastructural, and social factors, among others, on the shaping of towns and cities. This will be better explained through the concepts of urban sprawl and peri-urban expansion as forms of urban growth dynamics.

The concept of urban sprawl is defined by Seto et al. (2012) and Ewing and Hamidi (2015) as a specific pattern of urban growth characterized by low-density, fragmented, and automobile-dependent development that extends outward from the urban core. This form of development resulted from weak land-use regulation, speculative land markets, and the affordability of peripheral land (Brueckner, 2000; Güneralp and Seto, 2020). In an empirical study of African cities, mostly in rapidly urbanizing regions, sprawl is associated with the conversion of agricultural land, increased infrastructure costs, and rising environmental vulnerabilities (Montgomery, 2008; Huang et al., 2021). According to Akinyemi et al. (2019) and UN-Habitat (2020), the growth of informal settlements in Accra, Lagos, and Nairobi mirrors sprawling development driven by rapid population growth and the absence of planning regulations. On the other hand, peri-urbanization involves the interface between urban and rural landscapes, often associated with the conversion of agricultural land to urban uses without adequate planning oversight (Montgomery, 2008). This, in the long run, is expected to alter the city’s land-use, which can be better explained through the concept of a changing landscape.

The changing urban landscape is a characteristic of urban land-use dynamics. It refers to changes in land cover and land-use within and around cities, driven by population growth, infrastructure development, economic processes, and policy environments (Taubenböck et al., 2019). It also reflects the physical expansion of built-up areas and the reconfiguration of spatial patterns, including fragmentation and shifts in connectivity among functional zones (Li et al., 2025). This phenomenon explains changes in the spatial, structural, and functional aspects of urban land-use. The understanding of these alterations in terms of forms, layouts, and land-use changes over time is termed city morphology (Whitehand, 2001). According to Batty (2013), as cities grow, their Morphological transformation progresses from compact historic cores to multinucleated, corridor-oriented structures, as posited by Harris and Ullman (1945). This was against the uniform development at the fringes as proposed by the concentric theory. This pattern of development is evident in studies of many cities, where growth is mostly directed toward transportation corridors, industrial and other activity centers, thereby producing sectoral growth patterns (Zhao, 2020; Liang et al., 2025).

Studies of urban land-use changes in rapidly growing cities in developing nations in Africa reveal the scale and magnitude of these transformations, as well as the present and future challenges they pose (UN-Habitat, 2020). It was further revealed that most of these cities are expanding at a pace disproportionate to infrastructure development and planning controls (Oyesiku, 2010; Akinyemi et al., 2019). This, in the long run, could result in the overstretching of available infrastructure, thereby causing environmental stress. The results of studies from Nigerian cities are no different, as several scholars have reported the rapid conversion of rural land to urban uses, with little or no planning controls to monitor the sustainability of such developments (Barau and Ludin, 2012; Adeboyejo and Abolade, 2021). The scholars opined that spatial imbalances and unequal provision of basic facilities and infrastructure, characterized by explosive development in corridors and activity areas, are inherent to these cities.

These reviews establish that cities are characterized by outward spatial expansion driven by demographic, economic, and infrastructural forces, often with little or no planning control, resulting in significant environmental and governance implications. However, with an empirical understanding of spatial changes in rapidly developing cities in sub-Saharan Africa, such as Kano, the conceptual foundation for studying other cities’ changing landscapes and their implications will be established. This literature underscores the importance of integrating land-use dynamics into broader frameworks of city management, particularly in alignment with Sustainable Development Goal 11 (Inclusive, safe, and sustainable cities). According to Uduokhai et al. (2023), the sustainability of growth in contemporary cities, particularly amid rapid urbanization, has become a central concern globally. Therefore, understanding urban land-use dynamics over a long period has become a valuable tool not only for ascertaining the rate and magnitude of city growth but also for understanding its direction and implications for the city (UN-Habitat, 2020). By doing so, the goal of advancing a spatially balanced, functionally efficient, and sustainable city, informed by empirically grounded long-term growth dynamics, will be ascertained.

2.2 Theoretical framework

This study adopts a combined theoretical framework drawn from classical urban spatial structure models, transport-led development theory, peri-urbanization/urban sprawl theory, industrial or developmental corridor theory, urban morphology theory, and land-use change theory. The classical urban models developed by Burgess (1925), Hoyt (1939), and Harris and Ullman (1945) include the concentric zone, sector, and multiple-nuclei models, respectively. While the concentric model explains the outward growth of cities from a single center, the sector and multi-nuclei models posit wedge- or sectoral growth along transport corridors or other activity areas, respectively, with multiple hubs. Although these models were postulated over a century ago, they remain relevant for explaining the land-use dynamics of towns and cities. They also provide an important foundation for understanding subsequent theories of land-use development. Despite their initial development in Western contexts, these models continue to offer useful analytical perspectives for examining the structural transformation of cities in sub-Saharan Africa, particularly regarding changing urban landscapes and land-use dynamics.

The transportation-led development theory posits that major transportation corridors and other transportation infrastructure are primary drivers of land-use development. According to the theory, transportation influences urban spatial structure, land accessibility, economic concentration, and the direction of urban expansion (Wegener and Fürst, 1999; Rodrigue et al., 2020). The reasons have been that transportation infrastructure, such as roads, railways, and transit corridors, reduces travel time and costs and attracts investment, thereby stimulating land-use intensification along their alignments. This model aligns with the sectoral model of urban spatial structure, which explains transportation as a key driver of urban expansion and as a shaping force in the city’s morphology. According to Oyesiku (2010), transportation infrastructure contributes more to shaping peri-urban development than the formal land-use planning system.

Peri-urbanization and sprawl theory explain the outward nature of urban development as cities continue to grow. This pattern of development is characterized by leapfrogging, land fragmentation, and the conversion of agricultural land to urban uses (Kinuthia et al., 2022; Narayani and Nagalakshmi, 2023). Other attributes of this type of development include disconnected, automobile-dependent development (Ravetz and Sahana, 2025). Among the phenomena leading to the sprawling pattern of development in towns and cities are weak planning regulations (Pradhan et al., 2025), a speculative land market, affordable peripheral land (Güneralp and Seto, 2020), and an urban population explosion (Zhao, 2020). Studies of sub-Saharan African cities identify rapid urban population growth, housing demand to accommodate the growing population, and limited enforcement of planning regulations as key developmental characteristics. Another form of urban development pattern is the industrial or developmental corridor. The development pattern connotes the spatial concentration of manufacturing, industrial, or associated activities along transportation routes or in alignment with other activity areas (Biswas and Dey, 2023). This pattern aligned with the Multi-Nuclei Model of Harris and Ullman (1945), which describes cities as multifunctional centers. Agglomeration economies, policy incentives, and transportation accessibility are key drivers of these developments.

The urban morphology theory focuses on the physical form of the city as it changes over time (Conzen, 1960; Whitehand, 2001). The theory emphasizes the historical layering of urban development, which shapes land-use patterns, street networks, settlement structures, and other aspects of urban fabric. This theory can be explained by urban forms such as compact, monocentric, dispersed, and fragmented. According to Pacione (2009), cities in Sub-Saharan Africa are characterized by a transition from a compact, monocentric form to a dispersed, fragmented form. The last theory is land-use change and growth dynamics. The theory linked the spatial transformation of cities to the interactions of demographic, economic, institutional, and environmental factors (Lambin and Geist, 2006; Turner et al., 2007). This theory identifies rapid population growth as the key driver of urban expansion, as it leads to economic restructuring, particularly in rapidly urbanizing regions with weak planning mechanisms.

Deductions from these reviews reveal that these theories are complementary in their efforts to explain the dynamic nature of cities, their spatial form, and the factors that shape them. UN-Habitat (2020) argues that urban development patterns are characterized by fragmented, polycentric, and informal spatial configurations, making them difficult to explain with a single theory. In a recent analysis of urban expansion patterns (Huang and Xiao, 2025; Liang et al., 2025), it was found that transportation corridors strongly influenced growth directions. This explains the Radial expansion, connoting the outward growth of the city along major transportation routes from the central core. The phenomenon is strongly associated with Hoyt’s (1939) sector model, which posited that cities grow in a wedge-shaped sector along a major transportation corridor. According to the model, road infrastructure development and commercial ribbon development influence residential preferences, thereby driving growth (Huang and Xiao, 2025). Thus, theoretical and empirical literature identifies three dominant growth patterns: radial expansion, peri-urban sprawl, and industrial/developmental corridors. The integration of these theories not only guides understanding of the changing landscape of Kano municipality, as it has transformed from an ancient traditional Hausa city to the present municipality, but will also help identify some of the physical planning challenges associated with this transformation.

A study of Nigerian cities confirms the strong influence of accessibility-based development and the persistence of sectional disparities in development patterns (Oyesiku, 2010). Similarly, a study by UN-Habitat (2020) of African metropolitan regions further reveals that peri-urbanization often occurs beyond formal planning controls, leading to fragmented land development. While existing studies have examined aspects of Nigerian urbanization, limited research integrates growth dimensions into a comprehensive spatial pattern analysis specific to Kano, one of Nigeria’s ancient traditional Hausa cities. Second, limited studies employ geospatial techniques to systematically evaluate the interaction between urban growth and the development pattern of Kano Municipality from the colonial era to its present status as a metropolitan city. This gap underscores the need for spatially grounded, GIS-supported, and statistical analysis to understand the developmental transformation of Kano from a traditional ancient Hausa city to its present metropolitan form.

3 Materials and methods

3.1 Study area

Kano Municipality is one of Nigeria’s ancient pre-colonial cities, which served as a provincial capital during the pre-colonial and colonial eras (Iliyasu, 2014) and presently the capital of Kano State in the northwestern part of the country. According to Barau (1967), the ancient city of Kano dates to the late 10th century as a walled city that later became a trading and manufacturing town and a hub for the Trans-Saharan Trade. The city was also identified as one of the most advanced cities in northern Nigeria and one of the largest urban centers in West Africa (Muhammad and Abdulrahman, 2022).

The city of Kano lies between latitudes 11°51’24” and 12°07’07”North and longitudes 8°23’04” and 8°40’40”East of the Greenwich Meridian (See Figure 1). Administratively, it comprises eight Local Government Areas: Dala, Fagge, Gwale, Kano Municipal Council, Nassarawa, Tarauni, Ungogo, and Kumbotso. The municipality is bordered by Minjibir LGA to the north, Gezawa and Warawa to the east, and Dawakin Tofa and Tofa to the west, and Dawakin Kudu and Madobi to the south (See Figure 1).

The ancient city of Kano has a long history as a major center of commerce, agriculture, and industry (McDonell, 1964; Mortimore, 2009). Koko et al. (2024) identified historical, cultural, environmental, and socio-economic factors as major drivers of Kano’s expansion. Muhammad and Abdulrahman (2022) further attributed Kano’s development to its role as a major trading post in the trans-Saharan trade connecting North Africa, West Africa, and the Central Sudan. The city also became the administrative capital of Kano State in 1967, a development that accelerated population growth, infrastructural expansion, and spatial transformation (Mortimore, 1968; Zubairu, 2019). The ancient city of Kano had a population of about 131,000 in 1952, 2.0 million in 1990, 2.6 million in 2000, 3.2 million in 2010, and about 4 million in 2020 (Koko et al., 2023). The National Population Commission (NPC) censuses of 1991 and 2006 also reported the city’s population at about 1.6 million and 3 million, respectively, placing it among the most populous urban settlements in Nigeria. The physical environment of Kano Municipality lies within the Sudan Sahel savanna zone, characterized by relatively flat terrain, light sandy soils, and seasonal drainage systems dominated by the Kano–Challawa–Jakara River network, which historically supported agriculture and settlement expansion (Britannica, 2026). Urban land use reflects a dual structure comprising the dense, ancient walled city and extensive outward expansion shaped by colonial planning, transportation corridors, and peri-urban development (Barau and Ludin, 2012; Dankullu and Gani, 2024). These characteristics make Kano Municipality a suitable case for examining long-term urban land use dynamics and corridor-driven spatial growth.

3.2 Data used

The study evaluates the historical growth of Kano municipality from its ancient, traditional Hausa city to its present municipal status. A 10-year interval was adopted, given the expectation of significant changes. The decadal interval for a study like this was intended to enable the identification of persistent, structural land-use transformations, such as urban expansion, using medium-resolution imagery (Herold et al., 2005; Taubenböck et al., 2019). It is also advantageous for growth assessment to ensure temporal consistency, reduce data gaps, and support meaningful comparisons over long periods (Angel et al., 2011; Seto et al., 2012; UN-Habitat, 2020), such as 70 years, as adopted in this study. The study used a 1950 topographic map as baseline data obtained from the Office of the Surveyor General of the Federation (OSGOF) in Nigeria. The topographic sheets are Bichi, Kunya, Kabo, and Wudil on sheets number 57, 58, 80, and 81, respectively. These topographic sheets cover the aerial extent of the ancient city of Kano. The choice of topographic sheets as the baseline data is due to their being the oldest accurate data, from which the built-up areas of the municipality can be extracted (See Table 1).

Table 1. Topographic sheets, used for the study.

The study employed multi-temporal satellite imagery comprising Landsat MSS acquired on 25 December 1975 at 60 m spatial resolution, Landsat 5 TM acquired on 27 November 1990 at 30 m spatial resolution, and Landsat 7 ETM + acquired on 24 October 2000 at 30 m spatial resolution. Others include Landsat imagery acquired on 6 November 2010 at a 30 m spatial resolution and GeoEye-1 imagery acquired on 12 January 2020 at approximately 0.5 m spatial resolution. Satellite data from 1975 to 2010 were medium-resolution images obtained from the United States Geological Survey (USGS) Landsat portal, while the 2020 (GeoEye high-resolution) image was downloaded from the Google Earth Pro online interface using Google Image Downloader. The adoption of the 1975 image was intended to cover up the lack of data for 1960, 1970, and 1980 (See Table 2).

Table 2. Multi-date satellite images used for the study.

3.3 Data processing

The topographic maps were georeferenced using the World Geodetic System WGS 84 and the Zone 32 North projection. This was done to position the scanned copy maps in the Geographic Information System GIS environment using ArcGIS Pro. The data was further mosaiced to stitch the maps together, then clipped to extract the area of interest (AOI), which is the built-up area of Kano municipality.

Satellite image processing starts with band combination using Near-Infrared (NIR), Red, and Green on bands 4, 3, and 2 for False Color Composite (FCC). This combination enables a clear separation of the built-up area from other non-built-up areas, making the built-up areas visible for extraction (Seto et al., 2012; Jensen, 2014), which is the primary information needed for this study. The images were reprojected to WGS 84, Zone 32 north, and clipped to the AOI to align with the topographic maps. The built-up area was extracted using a mixture of unsupervised classification and the fishnet grid method. This involves generating a uniform grid with 500 m intervals covering the built-up areas and overlaying it on the data. Grids within built-up areas were identified across all data, and the results were computed by counting the identified grids and multiplying by the grid area (500 m × 500 m). The procedure consolidates all data to a uniform resolution for accurate comparison, a process known as image resampling. Second, to integrate open spaces within the built-up area, since they are also part of urban development. This method reduced classification error and subjectivity compared to pixel-based classification, because objects are carefully identified before classification. The next stage is the extraction of major development corridors and the Kano ancient city’s wall from a GeoEye image (2020) and topographic maps, respectively. A continuous 1-kilometer buffer from the ancient city’s wall, identified as the nucleus of the ancient city, was created, extending to the entire built-up area of the later image. The layers were overlaid on the build-up area of each image. The idea was to measure the length of the corridor’s development from the ancient city wall. This method was used to measure the municipality’s growth pattern.

4 Data analysis and results

Attribute data on the built-up extraction and the length of development along the respective corridors were extracted. The extracted data were analyzed using cross-tabulation, percentages, the compound annual growth rate (CAGR), and standard deviation. The compound annual growth rate was computed using the compound growth model to estimate the constant yearly rate required for the initial spatial extent and the observed final extent over the specified time interval. This approach enables standardizing comparisons across the respective development patterns and the temporal differences between the observed periods.

4.1 Growth of Kano municipality

The results of Kano municipality’s growth for 1950, 1975, 1990, 2000, 2010, and 2020 are presented in Figure 2 and Table 3. In the year 1950, the built-up area of the ancient city of Kano was 27.50 km². The city grew to about 72.75 km² in the year 1975, 162.00 km² in the year 1990, and 191.25 km² in the year 2000. The municipal area was recorded at 246.25 km² and 355.25 km² in 2010 and 2020, respectively.

Table 3. The developmental trends of Kano Municipality from the year 1950 to 2020.

The growth was calculated using the equations below:

Growth Rate ( % ) = ( Final Value − Initial Value / Initial Value ) × 100

Annual Growth Rate ( % ) = ( Final Value / Initial Value ) 1 / n − 1

Further, the results show that between 1950 and 1975, a period of about 25 years, the built-up area of the ancient city grew by about 45.25 km², representing a growth of about 164.55%, signifying an annual growth rate of about 3.93%. Between 1975 and 1990, the municipality grew by about 89.25 km² over 15 years, yielding an average annual growth rate of 5.53%. The city of Kano grew by about 29.25 km² between 1990 and 2000 (1.66% per year) and by 55.00 km² between 2000 and 2010 (2.56% per year). Lastly, growth between 2010 and 2020 was about 109.00 km², with an average annual growth rate of 3.71%. Also observed from the result is that the ancient city grew by about 1192.73% over 70 years (1950–2020), signifying an annual growth rate of 3.71%. Further observation of the city’s spatial growth over 70 years shows that the municipality experienced its highest annual growth rate between 1975 and 1990 (5.53%), while the lowest was recorded between 1990 and 2000 (1.66%). This shows a very wide annual spatial growth margin compared to the other range under study. It was further observed that the annual spatial growth of the municipality between 1990 and 2000 (1.66%) and between 2000 and 2010 (2.56%) is below the annual average recorded over 70 years (3.71%). Furthermore, the calculated deviations from the mean are −0.0205 and −0.0115 for the growth ranges between the periods 1990–2000 and 2000–2010, respectively, while the standard deviation was 1.33%. The relatively small deviations from the mean and the low standard deviation (1.33%) indicate that urban growth remained relatively stable between 1990–2000 and 2000–2010, with both periods recording growth rates close to the overall mean. This suggests that Kano Municipality experienced sustained rather than highly fluctuating urban expansion during the period.

4.2 The growth pattern of Kano municipality (1950–2020)

The result in Figure 3 shows that most of the city’s development in 1950 occurred within the ancient city’s walls, constructed between 1,095 and 1,134. The ancient wall encloses the King’s palace (Gidan Rumfa), the Dala hill, the central mosque, and the Kurmi markets, which still exist today and serve as historical landmarks. These major landmarks and the drainage system were identified as influencing the city’s growth pattern in its early days (See Figure 3).

Second, the study also identifies 7 transportation corridors in Kano Municipality, namely: Kano-Dawanau, Kano-Gwarzo, Kano-Panshekara, and Kano-Zaria. Other corridors include Kano-Maiduguri, Kano-Hadejia-Nguru, and the Fanisau corridors. These corridors linked the ancient city of Kano to Dawanau, a major commercial hub for the trade in farm produce and other goods, and to other major northern cities. These transportation corridors converge on the Ancient Walled City and extend to the palace, making it the principal connectivity hub between Kano Municipality and the surrounding towns and cities. This radial pattern of connectivity reflects the bicycle-wheel concept, with the historic core functioning as the central hub and the major corridors serving as spokes. Second, the ancient city wall is also identified as a buffer between the ancient/traditional city and the modern Kano. While the ancient city was built and occupied by native settlers, development outside it was carried out by Europeans, and non-natives occupied areas such as the Government Reservation Areas and Tudun Wada, respectively. These neighborhoods were developed on the principle of segregation, with the European neighborhood separated from the natives. Since data on ancient Kano are not readily available, the corridors and the ancient city wall were used as yardsticks for measuring the growth pattern. This was justified by the findings of Wegener and Fürst (1999) and Rodrigue et al. (2020), which indicate that cities expand along transportation routes and major activity areas. Attached is the spatial representation of Kano municipality, shown in Figures 3–8.

The analysis of the municipality’s growth pattern shows that the Kano-Dawanau corridor recorded the highest increase, from 1.5 km to about 13 km, a total of 11.5 km. The next corridor in terms of spatial development is the Kano-Maiduguri corridor, with a growth of 10.3 km in 2020, from 3.5 km in 1950. Others are: Kano-Panshekara, from 1.0 km in 1975 to 11.0 km in 2020, recording a spatial development of 10.0 km, Kano-Hadejia-Nguru, from 5.0 km in 1950 to 14.4 in the year 2020 a spatial development of 9.4 km, Kano-Gwarzo, from 1.0 km in 1975 to 8.8 km in 2020 and spatial development of 7.8 km, Kano-Zaria, from 4.0 km in 1975 to 10.5 km in 2020 and a spatial development of 6.5 km, while the Fanisau corridor recorded the least from 3.5 km in 1950 to 7,8 km in 2020 and a spatial growth of 3.9 km. See Table 4.

Table 4. Growth direction from the Ancient City Wall (1950 to 2020) (Kilometers).

The comparative analysis of annual growth rates along the corridors over 7 decades reveals that the Kano-Panshekara, Kano-Gwarzo, and Kano-Dawanau corridors ranked first (5.47%), second (4.95%), and third (3.13%), respectively. This was against low annual growth rates recorded along the Kano-Maiduguri (1.98%), Kano-Hadejia-Nguru (1.52%), and Fanisau (1.08%) routes. These results established that the Kano-Panshekara and Kano-Gwarzo corridors are the fastest and the dominant development corridors in Kano Municipality. It also established that the Kano-Maiduguri and Kano-Hadejia-Nguru corridors exhibit slow but persistent growth. However, the Fanisau corridor (1.08%) was found to be less attractive for development. A decadal growth analysis along the respective corridors reveals highly uneven spatial growth over the last 70 years. Between 1975 and 1990, explosive expansion was recorded along the Kano-Dawanau (470%) and Kano-Panshekara (400%) corridors. In contrast, these corridors recorded near-zero growth between 1990 and 2000. However, between 2000 and 2010, secondary growth shifted toward Kano-Panshekara (100%), Kano-Gwarzo (60%), and Kano-Zaria (31%) corridors. The years between 2010 and 2020, on the other hand, recorded moderate spatial growth across most corridors, with Fanisau recording a marginal increase. This period shows a gradual outward growth rather than the rapid sprawling. See Figure 7.

5 Discussion

The findings of this study reveal that Kano Municipality has undergone spatial transformation between 1950 and 2020, characterized by rapid outward expansion, corridor-oriented growth (Wegener and Fürst, 1999; Rodrigue et al., 2020), and increasing peri-urbanization. The results demonstrate that urban expansion in Kano has not followed a uniform trajectory but has developed primarily along the transportation corridor. These patterns are consistent with broader urbanization trends observed in Sub-Saharan African cities, with Kano recording rapid population growth of 2.16–2.40% between 1990 and 2020, as identified by Koko et al. (2024). The development also witnesses fragmented, leapfrogging growth along these transportation corridors, which is evidence of either poor or the absence of planning mechanisms to ensure uniform development, as observed by Angel et al. (2016) and UN-Habitat (2020) in most cities of developing nations.

The observed expansion from 27.50 km² in 1950 to 355.25 km² in 2020 reflects a growth rate that aligns with findings from other Nigerian and African metropolitan regions experiencing sustained demographic pressure and land transformation (Akinyemi et al., 2019; Barau et al., 2015). The fluctuations in annual growth rates across the study periods, particularly the accelerated expansion between 1975 and 1990 and the relative slowdown between 1990 and 2010, suggest that Kano’s spatial growth has been influenced by the absence of a consistent developmental planning framework to guide its development. Similarly, variability has been documented in African cities where periods of economic expansion and political change trigger rapid spatial growth, often followed by stagnation when planning and investment lag demand (Güneralp and Seto, 2020; OECD, 2020).

The corridor-based growth pattern identified in this study strongly supports classical urban land use theories, particularly Hoyt’s sector model and the multi-nuclei framework proposed by Harris and Ullman. The dominance of the Kano–Dawanau, Kano–Maiduguri, and Kano–Hadejia–Nguru corridors reflect the central role of transportation infrastructure in directing urban expansion, a phenomenon widely reported in urban geography literature (Batty, 2013; Huang and Xiao, 2025). The radial–corridor expansion pattern has also been observed in other Nigerian cities such as Lagos and Kaduna, where urban development increasingly aligns with major arterial routes (Oyesiku, 2010; Afon and Alwadood, 2016).

The rapid expansion of secondary corridors, notably Kano–Panshekara and Kano–Gwarzo, indicates a shift in growth dynamics away from the traditional core toward peri-urban zones. This transition mirrors trends reported across African metropolitan regions, where rising land costs, congestion, insecurity, and social inheritance constraints within historic cores push development toward urban fringes (Orkpeh and Adedire, 2024; Ravetz and Sahana, 2025). The high annual growth rates recorded along these corridors suggest a process of leapfrog and low-density development, reinforcing concerns about inefficient land consumption, increased infrastructure costs, and the proliferation of informal settlements (Kinuthia et al., 2022; Narayani and Nagalakshmi, 2023).

The persistence of moderate overall dispersion, despite increasing differentiation among corridors, suggests that Kano’s expansion has followed a structured yet uneven outward trajectory rather than a random spatial pattern of growth. This finding aligns with Herold et al. (2005) and Taubenböck et al. (2019), who argue that cities undergoing long-term expansion often exhibit stable directional growth patterns even as development intensity varies. However, the observed fragmentation and imbalance across corridors also highlight the limited effectiveness of existing physical planning mechanisms in regulating land-use change at the urban fringe. Weak enforcement of zoning regulations and speculative land markets have been widely identified as critical drivers of such fragmented urban forms in developing countries (Alves et al., 2021; Awuah and Abdulai, 2022). The slow but persistent growth observed along corridors such as Fanisau and Kano–Hadejia–Nguru further emphasizes the role of infrastructural prioritization and socio-economic attractiveness in shaping spatial development. While these corridors benefit from long-standing connectivity, their relatively low growth rates suggest that infrastructure alone is insufficient to sustain urban development without complementary economic and planning interventions. This observation resonates with Biswas and Dey (2023), who note that corridor development outcomes depend on coordinated land-use planning, policy incentives, and market integration rather than on the linear provision of infrastructure. From a planning perspective, the findings underscore the urgent need for integrated spatial planning approaches that respond to Kano’s corridor-driven growth dynamics. The continued outward expansion poses significant threats to peri-urban development, environmental sustainability, and rural livelihoods, in line with concerns raised by UN-Habitat (2020) and Güneralp and Seto (2020). There is therefore a need for a proactive growth management strategy, such as urban growth boundaries, densification policies, and transit-oriented development. These policies should primarily be implemented within the ancient walled development and the municipality’s transition areas. This will reduce the municipality’s risks of entrenching spatial inequality and escalating the cost of urban service provision. In essence, the spatial evolution of Kano Municipality reflects a transition from a compact, ancient city to a polycentric metropolitan form shaped by accessibility and land availability. This transformation reinforces the argument that urban growth in rapidly urbanizing African cities is best understood through classical land-use models and contemporary peri-urbanization theory (Lobo et al., 2020; UN-Habitat, 2020). The study thus contributes empirical evidence to ongoing debates on the need for sustainable urban growth. It also highlights the critical role of GIS-supported longitudinal analysis in informing effective urban planning and governance.

6 Conclusion

This study examined land-use dynamics and urban expansion in Kano Municipality between 1950 and 2020. Over the seven decades, the municipality changed from a relatively compact traditional settlement into a much larger and more dispersed urban area. The expansion was particularly evident beyond the historic core and along major transportation routes, indicating that improvements in accessibility played an important role in directing the city’s spatial growth. However, the changing urban structure has implications for the municipality’s future management. The continued conversion of peripheral and open areas to built-up uses increases pressure on infrastructure and urban services and may contribute to sprawl, traffic congestion, environmental degradation and the loss of spaces that perform important ecological functions. These outcomes suggest that transportation improvements, although essential for urban connectivity and economic activity, need to be accompanied by appropriate land-use controls and infrastructure planning. Allowing development to follow transportation corridors without adequate spatial planning may further reinforce dispersed growth and increase the cost of providing urban services.

Future urban development in Kano, therefore, requires closer integration of transportation and land-use planning. Development along major corridors should be guided by appropriate zoning and development controls, while adequate infrastructure and basic services should be provided in areas experiencing rapid expansion. The protection of green and blue spaces, together with improved drainage and flood-risk management, should also form part of the urban growth strategy. Such measures would allow the municipality to benefit from improved accessibility while limiting the environmental and infrastructural costs associated with uncontrolled expansion.

Finally, the historical evidence presented in this study shows that transportation development has been an important factor in the changing spatial structure of Kano Municipality. Managing this relationship will be critical as the city continues to grow. Coordinating transport investment with land-use planning, infrastructure provision, and environmental management can support a more connected, efficient, and resilient urban system. This approach is consistent with Sustainable Development Goal 11 (SDG 11), particularly its commitment to making cities and human settlements inclusive, safe, resilient and sustainable. For Kano Municipality, achieving this objective will depend not only on accommodating urban growth but also on guiding where and how that growth occurs.

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Footnotes

Edited by: Jianquan Cheng, Manchester Metropolitan University, United Kingdom

Reviewed by: Hafid Setiadi, University of Indonesia, Indonesia

Dominic Chukwuka Ndulue, University of Nigeria, Nigeria